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Digitized  by  the  Internet  Archive 

in  2013 


I-'iioii  in/  I'tclihig  by  D.  C.  Stltrgt 





Essay  Index  Reprint  Series 



First  Published  1926 
Reprinted  1968 






I.     Proclamation  upon  the  Death  of  Wood- 
row  Wilson,  February  3,  1924      ...  3 

II.    The  Democracy  of  Sports 7 

III.  The  United  Nation 15 

IV.  Freedom  and  Its  Obligations 19 

V.     The  Progress  of  a  People     .      .      .      .      .  31 

VI.     Economy  in  the  Interest  of  All     ...  39 

VII.     Education:  The  Cornerstone  of  Self-Gov- 

ernment 51 

VIII.    What  It  Means  to  Be  a  Boy  Scout     .     .  67 

IX.     Equality  of  Rights 71 

X.    The  High  Place  of  Labor 75 

XI.     Ordered  Liberty  and  World  Peace      .      .  89 

XII.     Authority  and  Religious  Liberty   .      .      .  103 

XIII.  A  Free  Republic 115 

XIV.  Good  Sportsmanship 129 

XV.     Patriotism  in  Time  of  Peace       ....  135 

XVI.    Religion  and  the  Republic    .....  149 

XVII.     The  Genius  of  America 159 

XVIII.     Discriminating  Benevolence  .      .      .      .      .  169 

XIX.     The  Duties  of  Citizenship 175 

XX.    The  Press  Under  a  Free  Government      .  183 























Inaugural  Address,  March  4,  1925        .  193 

The  Spiritual  Unification  of  America  209 

The  Reign  of  Law         221 

The  Navy  as  an  Instrument  of  Peace  237 

Contribution  of  the  Norsemen  to 

America 247 

Washington 265 

Toleration  and  Liberalism     . 

Jose    De   San   Martin,   Latin-American 

Government  and  Business 
The  Farmer  and  the  Nation 
Constructive  Economy  . 
Journalism  in  the  New  World 
The  New  Responsibilities  of  Women 
Training  Youth  for  Character  . 
States  Rights  and  National  Unity 

John  Ericsson 

Ways  to  Peace 

The  Inspiration  of  the  Declaration 





He  gave  utterance  to  the  aspiration  of  humanity 
with  an  eloquence  which  held  the  attention  of 
all  the  earth  and  made  America  a  new  and 
enlarged  influence  in  the  destiny  of  mankind. 

WILSON,  FEBRUARY  3,  1924 

To  the  People  of  the  United  States: 

The  death  of  Woodrow  Wilson,  President  of  the  United 
States  from  March  4,  1913,  to  March  4,  1921,  which 
occurred  at  11:15  o'clock  today  at  his  home  at  Washing- 
ton, District  of  Columbia,  deprives  the  country  of  a  most 
distinguished  citizen,  and  is  an  event  which  causes  uni- 
versal and  genuine  sorrow.  To  many  of  us  it  brings  the 
sense  of  a  profound  personal  bereavement. 

His  early  profession  as  a  lawyer  was  abandoned  to  enter 
academic  life.  In  this  chosen  field  he  attained  the  highest 
rank  as  an  educator,  and  has  left  his  impress  upon  the  in- 
tellectual thought  of  the  country.  From  the  Presidency  of 
Princeton  University  he  was  called  by  his  fellow  citizens 
to  be  the  Chief  Executive  of  the  State  of  New  Jersey.  The 
duties  of  this  high  office  he  so  conducted  as  to  win  the 
confidence  of  the  people  of  the  United  States,  who  twice 
elected  him  to  the  Chief  Magistracy  of  the  Republic.  As 
President  of  the  United  States  he  was  moved  by  an  earnest 
desire  to  promote  the  best  interests  of  the  country  as  he 
conceived  them.  His  acts  were  prompted  by  high  motives 
and  his  sincerity  of  purpose  can  not  be  questioned.  He 
led  the  nation  through  the  terrific  struggle  of  the  world 
war  with  a  lofty  idealism  which  never  failed  him.  He 
gave  utterance  to  the  aspiration  of  humanity  with  an 
eloquence  which  held  the  attention  of  all  the  earth  and 
made  America  a  new  and  enlarged  influence  in  the  destiny 
of  mankind. 

In  testimony  of  the  respect  in  which  his  memory  is  held 



by  the  Government  and  people  of  the  United  States,  I  do 
hereby  direct  that  the  flags  of  the  White  House  and  of  the 
several  Departmental  buildings  be  displayed  at  half  staff  for 
a  period  of  thirty  days,  and  that  suitable  military  and  naval 
honors  under  orders  of  the  Secretary  of  War  and  of  the 
Secretary  of  the  Navy  may  be  rendered  on  the  day  of  the 

■  MM 


In  the  case  of  a  people  which  represents  many 
nations,  cultures  and  races,  as  does  our  own,  a 
unification  of  interests  and  ideals  in  recreations 
is  bound  to  wield  a  telling  influence  for  solidarity 
of  the  entire  population.  No  more  truly  demo- 
cratic force  can  be  set  off  against  the  tendency 
to  class  and  caste  than  the  democracy  of  in- 
dividual parts  and  prowess  in  sport. 


This  conference  has  been  called  to  encourage  Americans 
to  make  more  of  their  opportunities  and  appropriate  more 
of  the  advantages  of  America.  For  a  long  time  one  of  the 
ideals  of  perfection  has  been  that  of  a  sound  mind  in  a 
sound  body.  When  most  of  our  original  educational  insti- 
tutions were  founded,  they  at  first  served  a  race  of  pioneers. 
They  were  attended  by  those  whose  very  existence  depended 
on  an  active  outdoor  life  in  the  open  country.  The  most 
universal  custom  among  all  the  people  was  bodily  exercise. 
Those  days  long  ago  passed  away  for  most  of  the  people 
of  this  country. 

There  is  still  and  must  ever  be  a  tremendous  amount  of 
manual  labor,  but  to  a  large  extent  this  has  become  spe- 
cialized and  too  often  would  be  designated  correctly  as 
drudgery.  The  opportunity  for  education  of  the  mind,  how- 
ever, has  greatly  increased  until  it  has  become  well-nigh 
universal.  School  and  college  athletics  have  become  neces- 
sary. With  the  development  of  our  industrial  and  com- 
mercial life,  there  are  more  and  more  those  who  are  engaged 
in  purely  clerical  activities.  All  of  this  makes  it  more  neces- 
sary than  ever  that  we  should  stimulate  every  possible 
interest  in  out  of  door  health-giving  recreation. 

I  am  hopeful  that  the  conference  can  coordinate  our 
national  resources  and  opportunities  in  a  way  better  to 
serve  this  purpose.  It  is  by  no  means  intended  that  there 
should  be  any  suggestion  of  Federal  domination  in  these 
activities.  Necessarily  they  are  largely  local  and  individual, 
and  to  be  helpful  they  must  always  be  spontaneous.    But 

At  the  National  Conference  on  Outdoor  Recreation,  Washington,  D.  C, 
May  22,  1924.      - 



this  conference  can  be  of  great  aid  by  making  something 
of  an  inventory  of  our  national  resources  and  opportunities 
and  determining  how  these  may  best  be  put  to  the  most 
desirable  use,  and,  further,  by  exchanging  ideas,  create  new 
interests  and  open  to  view  new  fields. 

Nearly  every  city  is  making  large  appropriations  for  lay- 
ing out  spacious  parks  and  playgrounds.  These  are  pro- 
viding recreation  fields  for  the  playing  of  outdoor  games 
by  both  old  and  young.  Golf  courses  and  tennis  courts 
abound.  Too  much  emphasis  can  not  be  placed  on  the 
effort  to  get  the  children  out  of  the  alleys  and  off  the  streets 
into  spacious  open  places  where  there  is  good  sunlight 
and  plenty  of  fresh  air.  Such  an  opportunity  has  both  a 
physical  and  mental  effect.  It  restores  the  natural  balance 
of  life  and  nourishes  the  moral  fiber  of  youth. 

Another  activity  which  is  being  encouraged  is  that  of 
gardening.  This  is  necessarily  somewhat  limited,  but  the 
opportunity  for  engaging  in  it  has  never  been  anywhere  near 
exhausted.  It  makes  its  appeal  alike  to  youth  and  age. 
It  is  extremely  practical  on  the  one  hand,  and  lends  itself 
to  the  artistic  on  the  other. 

A  form  of  recreation  not  so  accesible  to  many  as  games, 
but  one  which  has  in  it  a  peculiar  hold  on  that  which  is 
elemental  in  human  nature,  is  hunting  and  fishing.  These 
are  true  outdoor  sports  in  the  highest  sense,  and  must  be 
pursued  in  a  way  that  develops  energy,  perseverance,  skill, 
and  courage  of  the  individual.  They  call  for  personal  direc- 
tion, and  can  not  be  taken  up  vicariously.  There  is  a  great 
wealth  of  life  and  experience  in  this  field  which  is  never 
exhausted,  and  always  fresh  and  new.  It  is  accompanied  by 
traits  of  character  which  make  a  universal  appeal.  A 
knowledge  of  these  arts  may  well  be  cultivated  and  cherished 
like  a  knowledge  of  the  humanities  and  the  sciences. 
Around  hunting  and  fishing  is  gathered  a  great  wealth  of 
prose  and  poetry,  which  testifies  to  the  enduring  interest 


which  these  sports  have  held  all  through  the  development 
of  the  race. 

A  certain  type  of  outdoor  activity  has  been  much  de- 
veloped in  recent  years  and  calls  great  throngs  together, 
which  may  properly  be  designated  as  exhibition  games. 
Under  this  head  comes  first  in  importance  baseball,  which  is 
often  known  as  the  national  game.  Football  and  polo 
come  in  the  same  class.  These  activities  require  such  long 
and  intensive  training  that  participation  in  them  is  neces- 
sarily confined  to  a  class  and  can  not  be  said  to  be  open  to 
the  general  public.  But  for  creating  an  interest  which 
extends  to  every  age  and  every  class,  for  giving  an  oppor- 
tunity for  a  few  hours  in  the  open  air  which  will  provide 
a  change  of  scene,  a  new  trend  of  thought,  and  the  arousing 
of  new  enthusiasm  for  the  great  multitude  of  our  people, 
these  have  no  superior. 

But  it  is  unnecessary  for  me  to  do  more  than  mention  a 
few  of  the  representative  forms  of  recreation.  We  all  know 
that  their  name  is  legion,  and  that  different  tastes  require 
different  activities.  I  am  not  trying  to  recommend  one 
above  another,  but  I  am  trying  to  point  out  the  national 
value  which  would  accrue  if  there  were  an  organized,  in- 
structed, and  persistent  effort  to  bring  these  benefits  to  the 
people  at  large.  It  can  not  be  that  our  country  is  making 
a  great  outlay  for  playgrounds  in  our  schools,  for  athletic 
fields  in  our  colleges,  for  baseball  fields  in  our  cities,  for 
recreation  parks  in  our  metropolitan  districts,  for  State  and 
national  forest  reservations,  unless  these  all  represent  an 
opportunity  for  a  real  betterment  of  the  life  of  the  people. 
These  are  typically  American  in  all  their  aspects.  They 
minister  directly  to  the  welfare  of  all  our  inhabitants. 

Civilization  is  measured  in  no  small  part  by  these 
standards.  The  famous  beauty  and  symmetry  of  the  Greek 
race  in  its  prime  was  due  in  no  small  part  to  their  general 
participation  in  athletic  games.    This  meant  development. 


We  can  see  in  the  gladiatorial  shows  of  Rome,  which  de- 
generated into  the  butchery  alike  of  beasts  and  men,  the 
sure  sign  of  moral  decay  which  ended  in  the  destruction  of 
the  empire  and  the  breaking  up  of  the  great  influence  it 
had  cast  over  the  world.  It  is  altogether  necessary  that  we 
keep  our  own  amusements  and  recreations  within  that  field 
which  will  be  prophetic,  not  of  destruction,  but  of  develop- 
ment. It  is  characteristic  of  almost  the  entire  American  life 
that  it  has  a  most  worthy  regard  for  clean  and  manly  sports. 
It  has  little  appetite  for  that  which  is  unwholesome  or 

We  have  at  hand  these  great  resources  and  great  oppor- 
tunities. They  can  not  be  utilized  to  their  fullest  extent 
without  careful  organization  and  methodical  purpose.  Our 
youth  need  instruction  in  how  to  play  as  much  as  they  do 
in  how  to  work.  There  are  those  who  are  engaged  in  our 
industries  who  need  an  opportunity  for  outdoor  life  and 
recreation  no  less  than  they  need  opportunity  of  employ- 
ment. Side  by  side  with  the  industrial  plant  should  be  the 
gymnasium  and  the  athletic  field.  Along  with  the  learning 
of  a  trade  by  which  a  livelihood  is  to  be  earned  should  go 
the  learning  of  how  to  participate  in  the  activities  of  recrea- 
tion, by  which  life  is  made  not  only  more  enjoyable,  but 
more  rounded  out  and  complete.  The  country  needs  in- 
struction in  order  that  we  may  better  secure  these  results. 

A  special  consideration  suggests  the  value  of  a  develop- 
ment of  national  interest  in  recreation  and  sports.  There 
is  no  better  common  denominator  of  a  people.  In  the  case 
of  a  people  which  represents  many  nations,  cultures  and 
races,  as  does  our  own,  a  unification  of  interests  and  ideals 
in  recreations  is  bound  to  wield  a  telling  influence  for 
solidarity  of  the  entire  population.  No  more  truly  demo- 
cratic force  can  be  set  off  against  the  tendency  to  class  and 
caste  than  the  democracy  of  individual  parts  and  prowess 
in  sport. 


Out  of  this  conference  I  trust  there  may  come  a  better 
appreciation  of  the  necessary  development  of  our  life  along 
these  directions.  They  should  be  made  to  contribute  to 
health,  to  broader  appreciation  of  nature  and  her  works,  to 
a  truer  insight  into  the  whole  affair  of  existence.  They 
should  be  the  means  to  acquainting  all  of  us  with  the  won- 
ders and  delights  of  this  world  in  which  we  live,  and  of  this 
country  of  which  we  are  the  joint  inheritors.  Through  them 
we  may  teach  our  children  true  sportsmanship,  right  living, 
the  love  of  being  square,  the  sincere  purpose  to  make  our 
lives  genuinely  useful  and  helpful  to  our  fellows.  All  of 
these  may  be  implanted  through  a  wise  use  of  recreational 

I  want  to  see  all  Americans  have  a  reasonable  amount  of 
leisure.  Then  I  want  to  see  them  educated  to  use  such 
leisure  for  their  own  enjoyment  and  betterment,  and  the 
strengthening  of  the  quality  of  their  citizenship.  We  can 
go  a  long  way  in  that  direction  by  getting  them  out  of 
doors  and  really  interested  in  nature.  We  can  make  still 
further  progress  by  engaging  them  in  games  and  sports. 
Our  country  is  a  land  of  cultured  men  and  women.  It  is  a 
land  of  agriculture,  of  industries,  of  schools,  and  of  places 
of  religious  worship.  It  is  a  land  of  varied  climes  and 
scenery,  of  mountain  and  plain,  of  lake  and  river.  It  is  the 
American  heritage.  We  must  make  it  a  land  of  vision,  a 
land  of  work,  of  sincere  striving  for  the  good,  but  we  must 
add  to  all  these,  in  order  to  round  out  the  full  stature 
of  the  people,  an  ample  effort  to  make  it  a  land  of  whole- 
some enjoyment  and  perennial  gladness. 


A  mightier  force  than  ever  followed  Grant  or 
Lee  has  leveled  both  their  hosts,  raised  up  an 
united  Nation,  and  made  us  all  partakers  of  a 
new  glory.  It  is  not  for  us  to  forget  the  past  but 
to  remember  it,  that  we  may  profit  by  it.  But 
it  is  gone;  we  can  not  change  it.  We  must  put 
our  emphasis  on  the  present  and  put  into  effect 
the  lessons  the  past  has  taught  us. 


If  I  am  correctly  informed  by  history,  it  is  fitting  that  the 
Sabbath  should  be  your  Memorial  Day.  This  follows  from 
the  belief  that  except  for  the  forces  of  Oliver  Cromwell 
no  army  was  ever  more  thoroughly  religious  than  that  which 
followed  General  Lee.  Moreover,  these  ceremonies  neces- 
sarily are  expressive  of  a  hope  and  a  belief  that  rise  above 
the  things  of  this  life.  It  was  Lincoln  who  pointed  out  that 
both  sides  prayed  to  the  same  God.  When  that  is  the  case, 
it  is  only  a  matter  of  time  when  each  will  seek  a  common 
end.  We  can  now  see  clearly  what  that  end  is.  It  is  the 
maintenance  of  our  American  form  of  government,  of  our 
American  institutions,  of  our  American  ideals,  beneath  a 
common  flag,  under  the  blessings  of  Almighty  God. 

It  was  for  this  purpose  that  our  Nation  was  brought  forth. 
Our  whole  course  of  history  has  been  proceeding  in  that 
direction.  Out  of  a  common  experience,  made  more  endur- 
ing by  a  common  sacrifice,  we  have  reached  a  common  con- 
viction. On  this  day  we  pause  in  memory  of  those  who 
made  their  sacrifice  in  one  way.  In  a  few  days  we  shall 
pause  again  in  memory  of  those  who  made  their  sacrifice  in 
another  way.  They  were  all  Americans,  all  contending  for 
what  they  believed  were  their  rights.  On  many  a  battle- 
field they  sleep  side  by  side.  Here,  in  a  place  set  aside  for 
the  resting  place  of  those  who  have  performed  military  duty, 
both  make  a  final  bivouac.    But  their  country  lives. 

The  bitterness  of  conflict  is  passed.  Time  has  softened  it; 
discretion  has  changed  it.  Your  country  respects  you  for 
cherishing  the  memory  of  those  who  wore  the  gray.  You 
respect  others  who  cherish  the  memory  of  those  who  wore 



the  blue.    In  that  mutual  respect  may  there  be  a  firmer 
friendship,  a  stronger  and  more  glorious  Union. 

When  I  delivered  the  address  dedicating  the  great  monu- 
ment to  General  Grant  in  the  city  of  Washington,  General 
Carr  was  present,  with  others  of  his  comrades,  and  re- 
sponded for  the  Confederacy  with  a  most  appropriate 
tribute.  He  has  lately  passed  away,  one  of  the  last  of  a 
talented  and  gallant  corps  of  officers.  To  the  memory  of 
him  whom  I  had  seen  and  heard  and  knew  as  the  represen- 
tative of  that  now  silent  throng,  whom  I  did  not  know,  I 
offer  my  tribute.  We  know  that  Providence  would  have  it 
so.  We  see  and  we  obey.  A  mightier  force  than  ever 
followed  Grant  or  Lee  has  leveled  both  their  hosts,  raised 
up  an  united  Nation,  and  made  us  all  partakers  of  a  new 
glory.  It  is  not  for  us  to  forget  the  past  but  to  remember 
it,  that  we  may  profit  by  it.  But  it  is  gone;  we  cannot 
change  it.  We  must  put  our  emphasis  on  the  present  and 
put  into  effect  the  lessons  the  past  has  taught  us.  All 
about  us  sleep  those  of  many  different  beliefs  and  many 
divergent  actions.  But  America  claims  them  all.  Her  flag 
floats  over  them  all.  Her  Government  protects  them  all. 
They  all  rest  in  the  same  divine  peace. 

At  the  Confederate  Memorial,  Arlington  National  Cemetery,  Virginia, 
Sunday,  May  25,  1924. 


American  citizenship  is  a  high  estate.  He  who 
holds  it  is  the  peer  of  kings.  It  has  been  secured 
only  by  untold  toil  and  effort.  It  will  be  main- 
tained by  no  other  method.  It  demands  the  best 
that  men  and  women  have  to  give.  But  it  like- 
wise awards  to  its  partakers  the  best  that  there 
is  on  earth.  To  attempt  to  turn  it  into  a  thing 
of  ease  and  inaction  would  be  only  to  debase  it. 
To  cease  to  struggle  and  toil  and  sacrifice  for  it 
is  not  only  to  cease  to  be  worthy  of  it  but  is  to 
start  a  retreat  toward  barbarism.  No  matter 
what  others  may  say,  no  matter  what  others  may 
do,  this  is  the  stand  that  those  must  maintain 
who  are  worthy  to  be  called  Americans, 


We  meet  again  upon  this  hallowed  ground  to  commemo- 
rate those  who  played  their  part  in  a  particular  outbreak  of 
an  age-old  conflict.  Many  men  have  many  theories  about 
the  struggle  that  went  on  from  1861  to  1865.  Some  say  it 
had  for  its  purpose  the  abolition  of  slavery.  President 
Lincoln  did  not  so  consider  it.  There  were  those  in  the 
South  who  would  have  been  willing  to  wage  war  for  its 
continuation,  but  I  very  much  doubt  if  the  South  as  a  whole 
could  have  been  persuaded  to  take  up  arms  for  that  pur- 
pose. There  were  those  in  the  North  who  would  have  been 
willing  to  wage  war  for  its  abolition,  but  the  North  as  a 
whole  could  not  have  been  persuaded  to  take  up  arms  for 
that  purpose.  President  Lincoln  made  it  perfectly  clear 
that  his  effort  was  to  save  the  Union — with  slavery  if  he 
could  save  it  that  way;  without  slavery  if  he  could  save  it 
that  way.  But  he  would  save  the  Union.  The  South  stood 
for  the  principle  of  the  sovereignty  of  the  States.  The 
North  stood  for  the  principle  of  the  supremacy  of  the 

This  was  an  age-old  conflict.  At  its  foundation  lies  the 
question  of  how  can  the  Government  govern  and  the  people 
be  free?  How  can  organized  society  make  and  enforce  laws 
and  the  individual  remain  independent?  There  is  no  short 
sighted  answer  to  these  inquiries.  Whatever  may  have 
been  the  ambiguity  in  the  Federal  Constitution,  of  course 
the  Union  had  to  be  supreme  within  its  sphere  or  cease  to 
be  a  Union.  It  was  also  certain  and  obvious  that  each  State 
had  to  be  sovereign  within  its  sphere  or  cease  to  be  a  State. 

At  Arlington  National  Cemetery,  May  30,  1924. 



It  is  equally  clear  that  a  government  must  govern,  must 
prescribe  and  enforce  laws  within  its  sphere  or  cease  to  be 
a  government.  Moreover,  the  individual  must  be  indepen- 
dent and  free  within  his  own  sphere  or  cease  to  be  an  in- 
dividual. The  fundamental  question  was  then,  is  now,  and 
always  will  be  through  what  adjustments,  by  what  actions, 
these  principles  may  be  applied. 

It  needs  but  very  little  consideration  to  reach  the  con- 
clusion that  all  of  these  terms  are  relative,  not  absolute,  in 
their  application  to  the  affairs  of  this  earth.  There  is  no 
absolute  and  complete  sovereignty  for  a  State,  nor  absolute 
and  complete  independence  and  freedom  for  an  individual. 
It  happened  in  1861  that  the  States  of  the  North  and  the 
South  were  so  fully  agreed  among  themselves  that  they 
were  able  to  combine  against  each  other.  But  supposing 
each  State  of  the  Union  should  undertake  to  make  its  own 
decisions  upon  all  questions,  and  that  all  held  divergent 
views.  If  such  a  condition  were  carried  to  its  logical  con- 
clusion, each  would  come  into  conflict  with  all  the  others, 
and  a  condition  would  arise  which  could  only  result  in 
mutual  destruction.  It  is  evident  that  this  would  be  the 
antithesis  of  State  sovereignty.  Or  suppose  that  each  in- 
dividual in  the  assertion  of  his  own  independence  and  free- 
dom undertook  to  act  in  entire  disregard  of  the  rights  of 
others.  The  end  would  be  likewise  mutual  destruction,  and 
no  one  would  be  independent  and  no  one  would  be  free. 
Yet  these  are  conflicts  which  have  gone  on  ever  since  the 
organization  of  society  into  government,  and  they  are  going 
on  now.  To  my  mind  this  was  fundamental  of  the  conflict 
which  broke  out  in  1861. 

The  thirteen  Colonies  were  not  unaware  of  the  difficulties 
which  these  problems  presented.  We  shall  find  a  great  deal 
of  wisdom  in  the  method  by  which  they  dealt  with  them. 
When  they  were  finally  separated  from  Great  Britain,  the 
allegiance  of  their  citizens  was  not  to  the  Nation,  for  there 


was  none.  It  was  to  the  States.  For  the  conduct  of  the 
war  there  had  been  a  voluntary  confederacy  loosely  con- 
structed and  practically  impotent.  Continuing  after  peace 
was  made,  when  the  common  peril  which  had  been  its  chief 
motive  no  longer  existed,  it  grew  weaker  and  weaker.  Each 
of  the  States  could  have  insisted  on  an  entirely  separate  and 
independent  existence,  having  full  authority  over  both  their 
internal  and  external  affairs,  sovereign  in  every  way.  But 
such  sovereignty  would  have  been  a  vain  and  empty  thing. 
It  would  have  been  unsupported  by  adequate  resources 
either  of  property  or  population,  without  a  real  national 
spirit;  ready  to  fall  prey  to  foreign  intrigue  or  foreign  con- 
quest. That  kind  of  sovereignty  meant  but  little.  It  had 
no  substance  in  it.  The  people  and  their  leaders  naturally 
sought  for  a  larger,  more  inspiring  ideal.  They  realized 
that  while  to  be  a  citizen  of  a  State  meant  something,  it 
meant  a  great  deal  more  if  that  State  were  a  part  of  a 
national  union.  The  establishment  of  a  Federal  Constitu- 
tion giving  power  and  authority  to  create  a  real  National 
Government  did  not  in  the  end  mean  a  detriment,  but 
rather  an  increment  to  the  sovereignty  of  the  several  States. 
Under  the  Constitution  there  was  brought  into  being  a  new 
relationship,  which  did  not  detract  from  but  added  to  the 
power  and  the  position  of  each  State.  It  is  true  that  they 
surrendered  the  privilege  of  performing  certain  acts  for 
themselves,  like  the  regulation  of  commerce  and  the  main- 
tenance of  foreign  relations,  but  in  becoming  a  part  of  the 
Union  they  received  more  than  they  gave. 

The  same  thing  applies  to  the  individual  in  organized 
society.  When  each  citizen  submits  himself  to  the  authority 
of  law  he  does  not  thereby  decrease  his  independence  or 
freedom,  but  rather  increases  it.  By  recognizing  that  he  is 
a  part  of  a  larger  body  which  is  banded  together  for  a  com- 
mon purpose,  he  becomes  more  than  an  individual,  he  rises 
to  a  new  dignity  of  citizenship.    Instead  of  finding  himself 


restricted  and  confined  by  rendering  obedience  to  public 
law,  he  finds  himself  protected  and  defended  and  in  the 
exercise  of  increased  and  increasing  rights.  It  is  true  that 
as  civilization  becomes  more  complex  it  is  necessary  to  sur- 
render more  and  more  of  the  freedom  of  action  and  live 
more  and  more  according  to  the  rule  of  public  regulation, 
but  it  is  also  true  that  the  rewards  and  the  privileges  which 
come  to  a  member  of  organized  society  increase  in  a  still 
greater  proportion.  Primitive  life  has  its  freedom  and  its 
attraction,  but  the  observance  of  the  restrictions  of  modern 
civilization  enhances  the  privileges  of  living  a  thousandfold. 

Perhaps  I  have  said  enough  to  indicate  the  great  ad- 
vantages that  accrue  to  all  of  us  by  the  support  and  main- 
tenance of  our  Government,  the  continuation  of  the  func- 
tions of  legislation,  the  administration  of  justice,  and  the 
execution  of  the  laws.  There  can  be  no  substitute  for  these, 
no  securing  of  greater  freedom  by  their  downfall  and  failure, 
but  only  disorganization,  suffering  and  want,  and  final  de- 
struction. All  that  we  have  of  rights  accrue  from  the 
Government  under  which  we  live. 

In  these  days  little  need  exists  for  extolling  the  blessings 
of  our  Federal  Union.  Its  benefits  are  known  and  recog- 
nized by  all  its  citizens  who  are  worthy  of  serious  attention. 
No  one  thinks  now  of  attempting  to  destroy  the  Union  by 
armed  force.  No  one  seriously  considers  withdrawing  from 
it.  But  it  is  not  enough  that  it  should  be  free  from  attack — 
it  must  be  approved  and  supported  by  a  national  spirit. 
Our  prime  allegiance  must  be  to  the  whole  country.  A 
sentiment  of  sectionalism  is  not  harmless  because  it  is  un- 
armed. Resistance  to  the  righteous  authority  of  Federal 
law  is  not  innocent  because  it  is  not  accompanied  by  seces- 
sion. We  need  a  more  definite  realization  that  all  of  our 
country  must  stand  or  fall  together,  and  that  it  is  the  duty 
of  the  Government  to  promote  the  welfare  of  each  part  and 


the  duty  of  the  citizen  to  remember  that  he  must  be  first  of 
all  an  American. 

Only  one  conclusion  appears  to  me  possible.  We  shall 
not  promote  our  welfare  by  a  narrow  and  shortsighted 
policy.  We  can  gain  nothing  by  any  destruction  of  govern- 
ment or  society.  That  action  which  in  the  long  run  is  for 
the  advantage  of  the  individual,  as  it  is  for  the  support  of 
our  Union,  is  best  summed  up  in  a  single  word — renuncia- 
tion. It  is  only  by  surrendering  a  certain  amount  of  our 
liberty,  only  by  taking  on  new  duties  and  assuming  new 
obligations,  that  we  make  that  progress  which  we  char- 
acterize as  civilization.  It  is  only  in  like  manner  that  the 
citizens  and  the  States  can  maintain  our  Federal  Union  and 
become  partakers  of  its  glory.  That  is  the  answer  to  every 
herald  of  discontent  and  to  every  preacher  of  destruction. 
While  this  is  understood,  American  institutions  and  the 
Amercian  Union  are  secure. 

This  principle  can  not  be  too  definitely  or  emphatically 
proclaimed.  American  citizenship  is  a  high  estate.  He 
who  holds  it  is  the  peer  of  kings.  It  has  been  secured  only 
by  untold  toil  and  effort.  It  will  be  maintained  by  no 
other  method.  It  demands  the  best  that  men  and  women 
have  to  give.  But  it  likewise  awards  to  its  partakers  the 
best  that  there  is  on  earth.  To  attempt  to  turn  it  into  a 
thing  of  ease  and  inaction  would  be  only  to  debase  it.  To 
cease  to  struggle  and  toil  and  sacrifice  for  it  is  not  only  to 
cease  to  be  worthy  of  it  but  is  to  start  a  retreat  toward 
barbarism.  No  matter  what  others  may  say,  no  matter 
what  others  may  do,  this  is  the  stand  that  those  must  main- 
tain who  are  worthy  to  be  called  Americans. 

But  that  great  struggle  was  carried  on  by  those  whom  this 
day  is  set  apart  to  commemorate,  not  only  for  the  preserva- 
tion of  the  Union.  The  authority  of  the  Federal  Govern- 
ment had  been  resisted  by  armed  force.  They  were  also 
striving  to  restore  peace.     It  must  be  remembered  that 


our  Republic  was  organized  to  avoid  and  discourage  war,  and 
to  promote  and  establish  peace.  It  is  the  leading  charac- 
teristic of  our  national  holidays  that  they  are  days  of  peace. 
The  ways  of  our  people  are  the  ways  of  peace.  They 
naturally  seek  ways  to  make  peace  more  secure. 

It  is  not  to  be  inferred  that  it  would  be  anything  less  than 
courting  national  disaster  to  leave  our  country  barren  of 
defense.  Human  nature  is  a  very  constant  quality.  While 
there  is  justification  for  hoping  and  believing  that  we  are 
moving  toward  perfection,  it  would  be  idle  and  absurd  to 
assume  that  we  have  already  reached  it.  We  can  not  disre- 
gard history.  There  have  been  and  will  be  domestic  dis- 
orders. There  have  been  and  will  be  tendencies  of  one 
nation  to  encroach  on  another.  I  believe  in  the  main- 
tenance of  an  Army  and  Navy,  not  for  aggression  but  for 
defense.  Security  and  order  are  our  most  valuable  posses- 
sions. They  are  cheap  at  any  price.  But  I  am  opposed  to 
every  kind  of  military  aggrandizement  and  to  all  forms  of 
competitive  armament.  The  ideal  would  be  for  nations  to 
become  parties  to  mutual  covenants  limiting  their  military 
establishments,  and  making  it  obvious  that  they  are  not 
maintained  to  menace  each  other.  This  ideal  should  be 
made  practical  as  fast  as  possible. 

Our  Nation  has  associated  itself  with  other  great  powers 
for  the  purpose  of  promoting  peace  in  the  regions  of  the 
Pacific  Ocean.  It  has  steadily  refused  to  accept  the  cove- 
nant of  the  League  of  Nations,  but  long  before  that  was 
thought  of,  before  the  opening  of  the  present  century,  we 
were  foremost  in  promoting  the  calling  of  a  conference  at 
The  Hague  to  provide  for  a  tribunal  of  arbitration  for  the 
settlement  of  international  disputes.  We  have  made  many 
treaties  on  that  basis  with  other  nations. 

But  we  have  an  opportunity  before  us  to  reassert  our  de- 
sire and  to  lend  the  force  of  our  example  for  the  peaceful 
adjudication  of  differences  between  nations.     Such  action 


would  be  in  entire  harmony  with  the  policy  which  we  have 
long  advocated.  I  do  not  look  upon  it  as  a  certain  guaranty 
against  war,  but  it  would  be  a  method  of  disposing  of 
troublesome  questions,  an  accumulation  of  which  leads  to 
irritating  conditions  and  results  in  mutually  hostile  senti- 
ments. More  than  a  year  ago  President  Harding  proposed 
that  the  Senate  should  authorize  our  adherence  to  the  pro- 
tocol of  the  Permanent  Court  of  International  Justice,  with 
certain  conditions.  His  suggestion  has  already  had  my  ap- 
proval. On  that  I  stand.  I  should  not  oppose  other  reser- 
vations, but  any  material  changes  which  would  not  prob- 
ably receive  the  consent  of  the  many  other  nations  would  be 
impracticable.  We  can  not  take  a  step  in  advance  of  this 
kind  without  assuming  certain  obligations.  Here  again  if 
we  receive  anything  we  must  surrender  something.  We  may 
as  well  face  the  question  candidly,  and  if  we  are  willing  to 
assume  these  new  duties  in  exchange  for  the  benefits  which 
would  accrue  to  us,  let  us  say  so.  If  we  are  not  willing,  let 
us  say  that.  We  can  accomplish  nothing  by  taking  a 
doubtful  or  ambiguous  position.  We  are  not  going  to  be 
able  to  avoid  meeting  the  world  and  bearing  our  part  of  the 
burdens  of  the  world.  We  must  meet  those  burdens  and 
overcome  them  or  they  will  meet  us  and  overcome  us.  For 
my  part  I  desire  my  country  to  meet  them  without  evasion 
and  without  fear  in  an  upright,  downright,  square, 
American  way. 

While  there  are  those  who  think  we  would  be  exposed  to 
peril  by  adhering  to  this  court,  I  am  unable  to  attach  great 
weight  to  their  arguments.  Whatever  differences,  whatever 
perils  exist  for  us  in  the  world,  will  come  anyway,  whether 
we  oppose  or  support  the  court.  I  am  one  of  those  who 
believe  we  would  be  safer  and  that  we  would  be  meeting  our 
duties  better  by  supporting  it  and  making  every  possible 
use  of  it.    I  feel  confident  that  such  action  would  make  a 


greater  America,  that  it  would  be  productive  of  a  higher  and 
finer  national  spirit,  and  of  a  more  complete  national  life. 

It  is  these  two  thoughts  of  union  and  peace  which  appear 
to  me  to  be  especially  appropriate  for  our  consideration  on 
this  day.  Like  all  else  in  human  experience,  they  are  not 
things  which  can  be  set  apart  and  have  an  independent 
existence.  They  exist  by  reason  of  the  concrete  actions  of 
men  and  women.  It  is  the  men  and  women  whose  actions 
between  1861  and  1865  gave  us  union  and  peace  that  we  are 
met  here  this  day  to  commemorate.  When  we  seek  for  the 
chief  characteristic  of  those  actions,  we  come  back  to  the 
word  which  I  have  already  uttered — renunciation.  They 
gave  up  ease  and  home  and  safety  and  braved  every  im- 
pending danger  and  mortal  peril  that  they  might  accom- 
plish these  ends.  They  thereby  became  in  this  Republic  a 
body  of  citizens  set  apart  and  marked  for  every  honor  so 
long  as  our  Nation  shall  endure.  Here  on  this  wooded 
eminence,  overlooking  the  Capital  of  the  country  for  which 
they  fought,  many  of  them  repose,  officers  of  high  rank  and 
privates  mingling  in  a  common  dust,  holding  the  common 
veneration  of  a  grateful  people.  The  heroes  of  other  wars 
lie  with  them,  and  in  a  place  of  great  preeminence  lies  one 
whose  identity  is  unknown,  save  that  he  was  a  soldier  of  this 
Republic  who  fought  that  its  ideals,  its  institutions,  its 
liberties,  might  be  perpetuated  among  men.  A  grateful 
country  holds  all  these  services  as  her  most  priceless  heri- 
tage, to  be  cherished  forevermore. 

We  can  testify  to  these  opinions,  not  by  our  words  but 
by  our  actions.  Our  country  can  not  exist  on  the  renuncia- 
tion of  the  heroic  souls  of  the  past.  Public  service,  from 
the  action  of  the  humblest  voter  to  the  most  exalted  office, 
can  not  be  made  a  mere  matter  of  hire  and  salary.  The  sup- 
porters of  our  institutions  must  be  inspired  by  a  more 
dominent  motive  than  a  conviction  that  their  actions  are 
going  to  be  profitable.    We  can  not  lower  our  standards  tQ 


what  we  think  will  pay,  but  we  must  raise  them  to  what  we 
think  is  right.  It  is  only  in  that  direction  that  we  shall 
find  true  patriotism.  It  is  only  by  that  method  that  we  can 
maintain  the  rights  of  the  individual,  the  sovereignty  of  the 
States,  the  integrity  of  the  Union,  the  permanency  of  peace, 
and  the  welfare  of  mankind.  You  soldiers  of  the  Republic 
enrolled  under  her  banner  that  through  your  sacrifices  there 
might  be  an  atonement  for  the  evils  of  your  day.  That  is 
the  standard  of  citizenship  for  all  time.  It  is  the  require- 
ment which  must  be  met  by  those  who  hold  public  place. 
That  must  be  the  ideal  of  those  who  are  worthy  to  share 
in  the  glory  which  you  have  given  to  the  name  of  America, 
the  ideal  of  those  who  hold  fellowship  with  Washington  and 

The  progress  of  the  colored  people  on  this  con- 
tinent is  one  of  the  marvels  of  modern  history. 
We  are  perhaps  even  yet  too  near  to  this  phe- 
nomenon to  be  able  fully  to  appreciate  its  signi- 
ficance. That  can  be  impressed  on  us  only  as  we 
study  and  contrast  the  rapid  advancement  of  the 
colored  people  in  America  with  the  slow  and 
painful  upward  movement  of  humanity  as  a 
whole  throughout  the  long  human  story. 


It  has  come  to  be  a  legend,  and  I  believe  with  more 
foundation  of  fact  than  most  legends,  that  Howard  Uni- 
versity was  the  outgrowth  of  the  inspiration  of  a  prayer 
meeting.  I  hope  it  is  true,  and  I  shall  choose  to  believe  it, 
for  it  makes  of  this  scene  and  this  occasion  a  new  testi- 
mony that  prayers  are  answered.  Here  has  been  established 
a  great  university,  a  sort  of  educational  laboratory  for  the 
production  of  intellectual  and  spiritual  leadership  among  a 
people  whose  history,  if  you  will  examine  it  as  it  deserves,  is 
one  of  the  striking  evidences  of  a  soundness  of  our  civiliza- 

The  accomplishments  of  the  colored  people  in  the  United 
States,  in  the  brief  historic  period  since  they  were  brought 
here  from  the  restrictions  of  their  native  continent,  can  not 
but  make  us  realize  that  there  is  something  essential  in  our 
civilization  which  gives  it  a  special  power.  I  think  we  shall 
be  able  to  agree  that  this  particular  element  is  the  Christian 
religion,  whose  influence  always  and  everywhere  has  been  a 
force  for  the  illumination  and  advancement  of  the  peoples 
who  have  come  under  its  sway. 

The  progress  of  the  colored  people  on  this  continent  is 
one  of  the  marvels  of  modern  history.  We  are  perhaps  even 
yet  too  near  to  this  phenomenon  to  be  able  fully  to  appre- 
ciate its  significance.  That  can  be  impressed  on  us  only  as 
we  study  and  contrast  the  rapid  advancement  of  the  colored 
people  in  America  with  the  slow  and  painful  upward  move- 
ment of  humanity  as  a  whole  throughout  the  long  human 

At  Howard  University,  June  6,  1924. 



An  occasion  such  as  this  which  has  brought  us  here  can 
not  but  direct  our  consideration  to  these  things.  It  has 
been  a  painful  and  difficult  experience,  this  by  which  an- 
other race  has  been  recruited  to  the  standard  of  civilization 
and  enlightenment;  for  that  is  really  what  has  been  going 
on;  and  the  episodes  of  Negro  slavery  in  America,  of  civil 
war,  and  emancipation,  and,  following  that,  the  rapid  ad- 
vancement of  the  American  colored  people  both  materially 
and  spiritually,  must  be  recognized  as  parts  of  a  long  evolu- 
tion by  which  all  mankind  is  gradually  being  led  to  higher 
levels,  expanding  its  understanding  of  its  mission  here,  ap- 
proaching nearer  and  nearer  to  the  realization  of  its  full  and 
perfected  destiny. 

In  such  a  view  of  the  history  of  the  Negro  race  in 
America,  we  may  find  the  evidences  that  the  black  man's 
probation  on  this  continent  was  a  necessary  part  in  a  great 
plan  by  which  the  race  was  to  be  saved  to  the  world  for  a 
service  which  we  are  now  able  to  vision  and,  even  if  yet 
somewhat  dimly,  to  appreciate.  The  destiny  of  the  great 
African  Continent,  to  be  added  at  length — and  in  a  future 
not  now  far  beyond  us — to  the  realms  of  the  highest  civiliza- 
tion, has  become  apparent  within  a  very  few  decades.  But 
for  the  strange  and  long  inscrutable  purpose  which  in  the 
ordering  of  human  affairs  subjected  a  part  of  the  black 
race  to  the  ordeal  of  slavery,  that  race  might  have  been 
assigned  to  the  tragic  fate  which  has  befallen  many  aborig- 
inal peoples  when  brought  into  conflict  with  more  advanced 
communities.  Instead,  we  are  able  now  to  be  confident 
that  this  race  is  to  be  preserved  for  a  great  and  useful  work. 
If  some  of  its  members  have  suffered,  if  some  have  been 
denied,  if  some  have  been  sacrificed,  we  are  able  at  last  to 
realize  that  their  sacrifices  were  borne  in  a  great  cause. 
They  gave  vicariously,  that  a  vastly  greater  number  might 
be  preserved  and  benefited  through  them.    The  salvation 


of  a  race,  the  destiny  of  a  continent,  were  bought  at  the 
price  of  these  sacrifices. 

Howard  University  is  but  one  of  the  many  institutions 
which  have  grown  up  in  this  country,  dedicated  to  this 
purpose  of  preserving  one  of  the  races  of  men  and  fitting  it 
for  its  largest  usefulness.  Here  is  a  people  adapted,  as  most 
people  are  not,  to  life  in  the  tropics.  They  are  capable  of 
redeeming  vast  luxuriant  areas  of  unexampled  productivity, 
and  of  reclaiming  them  for  the  sustenance  of  mankind  and 
the  increasing  security  of  the  human  community.  It  is  a 
great  destiny,  to  which  we  may  now  look  forward  with  con- 
fidence that  it  will  be  fully  realized. 

Looking  back  only  a  few  years,  we  appreciate  how  rapid 
has  been  the  progress  of  the  colored  people  on  this  continent. 
Emancipation  brought  them  the  opportunity  of  which  they 
have  availed  themselves.  It  has  been  calculated  that  in  the 
first  year  following  the  acceptance  of  their  status  as  a  free 
people,  there  were  approximately  4,000,000  members  of  the 
race  in  this  country,  and  that  among  these  only  12,000  were 
the  owners  of  their  homes;  only  20,000  among  them  con- 
ducted their  own  farms,  and  the  aggregate  wealth  of  these 
4,000,000  people  hardly  exceeded  $20,000,000.  In  a  little 
over  a  half  century  since,  the  number  of  business  enterprises 
operated  by  colored  people  had  grown  to  near  50,000,  while 
the  wealth  of  the  Negro  community  has  grown  to  more  than 
$1,100,000,000.  And  these  figures  convey  a  most  inade- 
quate suggestion  of  the  material  progress.  The  2,000  busi- 
ness enterprises  which  were  in  the  hands  of  colored  people 
immediately  following  emancipation  were  almost  without 
exception  small  and  rudimentary.  Among  the  50,000  busi- 
ness operations  now  in  the  hands  of  colored  people  may  be 
found  every  type  of  present-day  affairs.  There  are  more 
than  70  banks  conducted  by  thoroughly  competent  colored 
business  men.  More  than  80  per  cent  of  all  American 
Negroes  are  now  able  to  read  and  write.     When  they 


achieved  their  freedom  not  10  per  cent  were  literate.  There 
are  nearly  2,000,000  Negro  pupils  in  the  public  schools;  well- 
nigh  40,000  Negro  teachers  are  listed,  more  than  3,000  fol- 
lowing their  profession  in  normal  schools  and  colleges.  The 
list  of  educational  institutions  devoting  themselves  to  the 
race  includes  50  colleges,  13  colleges  for  women,  26  theo- 
logical schools,  a  standard  school  of  law,  and  2  high-grade 
institutions  of  medicine.  Through  the  work  of  these  insti- 
tutions the  Negro  race  is  equipping  men  and  women  from 
its  own  ranks  to  provide  its  leadership  in  business,  the  pro- 
fessions, in  all  relations  of  life. 

This,  of  course,  is  the  special  field  of  usefulness  for 
colored  men  and  women  who  find  the  opportunity  to  get 
adequate  education.  Their  own  people  need  their  help, 
guidance,  leadership,  and  inspiration.  Those  of  you  who 
are  fortunate  enough  to  equip  yourselves  for  these  tasks 
have  a  special  responsibility  to  make  the  best  use  of  great 
opportunities.  In  a  very  special  way  it  is  incumbent  upon 
those  who  are  prepared  to  help  their  people  to  maintain 
the  truest  standards  of  character  and  unselfish  purpose. 
The  Negro  community  of  America  has  already  so  far  pro- 
gressed that  its  members  can  be  assured  that  their  future  is 
in  their  own  hands.  Racial  hostility,  ancient  tradition,  and 
social  prejudice  are  not  to  be  eliminated  immediately  or  eas- 
ily But  they  will  be  lessened  as  the  colored  people  by  their 
own  efforts  and  under  their  own  leaders  shall  prove  worthy 
of  the  fullest  measure  of  opportunity. 

The  Nation  has  need  of  all  that  can  be  contributed  to  it 
through  the  best  efforts  of  all  its  citizens.  The  colored 
people  have  repeatedly  proved  their  devotion  to  the  high 
ideals  of  our  country.  They  gave  their  services  in  the  war 
with  the  same  patriotism  and  readiness  that  other  citizens 
did.  The  records  of  the  selective  draft  show  that  somewhat 
more  than  2,250,000  colored  men  were  registered.  The 
records  further  prove  that,  far  from  seeking  to  avoid  partici- 



pation  in  the  national  defense,  they  showed  that  they  wished 
to  enlist  before  the  selective  service  act  was  put  into  opera- 
tion, and  they  did  not  attempt  to  evade  that  act  afterwards. 
The  propaganda  of  prejudice  and  hatred  which  sought  to 
keep  the  colored  men  from  supporting  the  national  cause 
completely  failed.  The  black  man  showed  himself  the  same 
kind  of  citizen,  moved  by  the  same  kind  of  patriotism,  as 
the  white  man.  They  were  tempted,  but  not  one  betrayed 
his  country.  Among  well-nigh  400,000  colored  men  who 
were  taken  into  the  military  service,  about  one-half  had 
overseas  experience.  They  came  home  with  many  decora- 
tions and  their  conduct  repeatedly  won  high  commendation 
from  both  American  and  European  commanders. 

The  armies  in  the  field  could  not  have  done  their  part  in 
the  war  if  they  had  not  been  sustained  and  supported  by  the 
far  greater  civilian  forces  at  home,  which  through  unremit- 
ting toil  made  it  possible  to  sustain  our  war  effort.  No  part 
of  the  community  responded  more  willingly,  more  gener- 
ously, more  unqualifiedly,  to  the  demand  for  special  extraor- 
dinary exertion,  than  did  the  members  of  the  Negro  race. 
Whether  in  the  military  service,  or  in  the  vast  mobilization 
of  industrial  resources  which  the  war  required,  the  Negro 
did  his  part  precisely  as  did  the  white  man.  He  drew  no 
color  line  when  patriotism  made  its  call  upon  him.  He 
gave  precisely  as  his  white  fellow  citizens  gave,  to  the  limit 
of  resources  and  abilities,  to  help  the  general  cause.  Thus 
the  American  Negro  established  his  right  to  the  gratitude 
and  appreciation  which  the  Nation  has  been  glad  to  accord. 

We  are  not  all  permitted  the  privilege  of  a  university 
training.  We  can  not  all  enter  the  professions.  What  is  the 
great  need  of  American  citienship?  To  my  mind  it  is  this, 
that  each  should  take  up  the  burden  where  he  is.  "Do  the 
day's  work,"  I  have  said,  and  it  should  be  done  in  the  re- 
membrance that  all  work  is  dignified.    Your  race  is  entitled 


to  great  praise  for  the  contribution  it  makes  in  doing  the 
work  of  the  world. 

There  will  be  other  crises  in  the  national  history  which 
will  make  other  demands  for  the  fullest  and  most  unselfish 
contribution  to  the  national  interest.  No  generation  will 
be  denied  its  opportunity,  will  be  spared  its  duty,  to  put 
forth  its  best  efforts.  We  devoutly  hope  that  these  contri- 
butions will  not  be  demanded  upon  the  field  of  battle.  But 
they  will  be  just  as  truly  needed,  just  as  urgently  sum- 
moned, in  the  activities  of  peace,  the  efforts  of  industry,  the 
performance  of  all  the  obligations  of  citizenship.  We  can 
not  go  out  from  this  place  and  occasion  without  refreshment 
of  faith  and  renewal  of  confidence  that  in  every  exigency  our 
Negro  fellow  citizens  will  render  the  best  and  fullest  measure 
of  service  whereof  they  are  capable. 

MMft  fl 


With  us  economy  is  imperative.  It  is  a  full  test 
of  our  national  character.  Bound  up  in  it  is  the 
true  cause,  not  of  the  property  interests,  not  of 
any  privilege,  but  of  all  the  people.  It  is  pre- 
eminently  the  source  of  popular  rights.  It  is 
always  the  people  who  toil  that  pay.  It  seems 
to  me,  therefore,  worthy  of  our  highest  endeavor. 


This  is  the  seventh  regular  meeting  of  the  Business  Or- 
ganization of  the  Government.  The  first  of  these  meetings 
was  held  three  years  ago.  This  marks  the  close  of  three 
years  of  action  under  the  Budget  system.  At  the  first 
meeting  was  commenced  an  intensive  campaign  in  behalf 
of  the  people  who  pay  the  taxes  in  our  country.  The  foes 
of  that  campaign  were  extravagance  and  inefficiency  in  the 
public  service.  For  three  years  we  have  waged  this  inten- 
sive campaign.  It  has  been  a  united  effort,  and  united  effort 
never  fails  of  accomplishment.  The  people  of  this  Nation 
are  beginning  to  win.  In  that  short  space  of  time  we  have 
accomplished  the  unbelievable.  Uncoordinated  procedures 
of  official  action  have  been  coordinated.  Departmental  in- 
terests have  been  made  subservient  to  the  common  interests 
of  the  Government  as  a  whole.  The  business  of  Govern- 
ment has  been  established  on  an  efficient  basis.  You  have 
done  this,  and  for  doing  it  you  are  entitled  to  the  thanks  of 
the  American  people.    This  has  been  and  is  their  fight. 

We  are  often  told  that  we  are  a  rich  country,  and  we  are. 
We  are  often  reminded  that  we  are  in  the  best  financial  con- 
dition of  any  of  the  great  powers,  and  we  are.  But  we  must 
remember  that  we  also  have  a  broader  scale  of  existence  and 
a  higher  standard  of  living.  We  have  a  freer  Government 
and  a  more  flexible  organization  of  society.  Where  more  is 
given,  more  is  required.  A  tropical  state  of  savagery  almost 
maintains  itself.  American  civilization  is  the  product  of  a 
constant  and  mighty  effort.  One  of  the  greatest  perils  to 
an  extensive  republic  is  the  disregard  of  individual  rights. 

At  the  Seventh  Regular  Meeting  of  the  Business  Organization  of  the 
Government  at  Memorial  Contenental  Hall,  June  30,  1924. 



In  our  own  country  such  rights  do  not  appear  to  be  in  imme- 
diate danger  from  direct  attack,  but  they  are  always  in 
jeopardy  through  indirect  action. 

One  of  the  rights  which  the  freeman  has  always  guarded 
with  most  jealous  care  is  that  of  enjoying  the  rewards  of 
his  own  industry.  Realizing  that  the  power  to  tax  is  the 
power  to  destroy,  and  that  the  power  to  take  a  certain 
amount  of  property  or  of  income  is  only  another  way  of 
saying  that  for  a  certain  proportion  of  his  time  a  citizen 
must  work  for  the  Government,  the  authority  to  impose  a 
tax  on  the  people  has  been  most  carefully  guarded.  Our 
own  Constitution  requires  that  revenue  bills  should  origi- 
nate in  the  House,  because  that  body  is  supposed  to  be  more 
representative  of  the  people.  These  precautions  have  been 
taken  because  of  the  full  realization  that  any  oppression 
laid  upon  the  people  by  excessive  taxation,  any  disregard  of 
their  right  to  hold  and  enjoy  the  property  which  they  have 
rightfully  acquired,  would  be  fatal  to  freedom.  A  govern- 
ment which  lays  taxes  on  the  people  not  required  by  urgent 
public  necessity  and  sound  public  policy  is  not  a  protector  of 
liberty,  but  an  instrument  of  tyranny.  It  condemns  the 
citizen  to  servitude.  One  of  the  first  signs  of  the  breaking 
down  of  free  government  is  a  disregard  by  the  taxing  power 
of  the  right  of  the  people  to  their  own  property.  It  makes 
little  difference  whether  such  a  condition  is  brought  about 
through  the  will  of  a  dictator,  through  the  power  of  a 
military  force,  or  through  the  pressure  of  an  organized 
minority.  The  result  is  the  same.  Unless  the  people  can 
enjoy  that  reasonable  security  in  the  possession  of  their 
property,  which  is  guaranteed  by  the  Constitution,  against 
unreasonable  taxation,  freedom  is  at  an  end.  The  common 
man  is  restrained  and  hampered  in  his  ability  to  secure  food 
and  clothing  and  shelter.  His  wages  are  decreased,  his  hours 
of  labor  are  lengthened.  Against  the  recurring  tendency  in 
this  direction  there  must  be  interposed  the  constant  effort  of 


an  informed  electorate  and  of  patriotic  public  servants. 
The  importance  of  a  constant  reiteration  of  these  principles 
can  not  be  overestimated.  They  can  not  be  denied.  They 
must  not  be  ignored. 

There  is  a  most  urgent  necessity  for  those  who  are 
charged  with  the  responsibility  of  government  administra- 
tion to  realize  that  the  people  of  our  country  can  not  main- 
tain their  own  high  standards,  they  can  not  compete  against 
the  lower  standards  of  the  rest  of  the  world,  unless  we  are 
free  from  excessive  taxes.  With  us  economy  is  imperative. 
It  is  a  full  test  of  our  national  character.  Bound  up  in  it 
is  the  true  cause,  not  of  the  property  interests,  not  of  any 
privilege,  but  of  all  the  people.  It  is  preeminently  the 
source  of  popular  rights.  It  is  always  the  people  who  toil 
that  pay.  It  seems  to  me,  therefore,  worthy  of  our  highest 
endeavor.  It  is  this  which  gives  the  real  importance  to 
this  meeting. 

I  would  not  be  misunderstood.  I  am  not  advocating  par- 
simony, I  want  to  be  liberal.  Public  service  is  entitled  to 
a  suitable  reward.  But  there  is  a  distinct  limit  to  the 
amount  of  public  service  we  can  profitably  employ.  We  re- 
quire national  defense,  but  it  must  be  limited.  We  need 
public  improvements,  but  they  must  be  gradual.  We  have 
to  make  some  capital  investments,  but  they  must  be  cer- 
tain to  give  fair  returns.  Every  dollar  expended  must  be 
made  in  the  light  of  all  our  national  resources,  and  all  our 
national  needs.  It  is  here  that  the  Budget  system  gets  its 
strength  as  a  method  of  fiscal  administration. 

What  progress  we  have  made  in  ordering  the  national 
finances  is  easily  shown.  A  comparison  of  our  receipts  and 
expenditures  for  the  last  four  years  illustrates  conclusively 
what  has  been  accomplished  during  the  three  years  of  the 
Budget  system. 

For  the  fiscal  year  ending  June  30,  1921,  the  last  pre- 
Budget  year,  our  expenditures  were  $5,538,000,000  and  our 


receipts  $5,624,000,000.  For  the  succeeding  three  years, 
which  include  the  year  which  ends  to-day,  our  expenditures 
were  $3,795,000,000,  $3,697,000,000  and  $3,497,000,000  re- 
spectively. Here  we  show  a  progressive  and  consistent  re- 
duction in  expenditures.  On  the  other  side  of  the  ledger 
our  receipts  for  1922  were  $4,109,000,000;  1923,  $4,007,- 
000,000;  and  1924,  $3,995,000,000.  An  analysis  of  these  fig- 
ures shows  that  in  the  face  of  a  progressive  reduction  in  re- 
ceipts we  have  still  achieved  a  substantial  surplus  at  the 
end  of  each  of  the  fiscal  years— $314,000,000  for  1922, 
$310,000,000  for  1923,  and  in  excess  of  $500,000,000  for 
1924.  The  amounts  which  I  have  stated  as  being  the  ex- 
penditures, receipts  and  surplus  for  the  fiscal  year  1924, 
which  ends  to-day,  are  only  approximate.  We  will  not 
have  the  actual  figures  until  the  books  are  finally  balanced. 
The  surplus  accumulated  at  the  end  of  each  of  the  last  three 
fiscal  years  has  been  applied  to  the  reduction  of  the  public 
debt  in  addition  to  the  reductions  required  by  law  under 
the  sinking  fund  and  other  acts.  Without  the  aid  of  this 
recurring  surplus  the  public  debt  would  be  $1,100,000,000 
more  than  it  now  stands,  and  the  interest  charges  would  be 
some  $45,000,000  greater  next  year  than  we  shall  now  have 
to  pay. 

Along  with  this  reduction  in  expenditures  has  gone  a  pro- 
gressive reduction  of  the  public  debt  with  its  attendant  re- 
lief from  the  burden  of  interest.  On  June  30,  1921,  the 
public  debt  was  $23,976,000,000.  In  1922  it  had  been  re- 
duced more  than  $1,000,000,000  to  $22,964,000,000.  In 
1923  it  had  been  reduced  more  than  $600,000,000  to  $22,- 
349,000,000.  In  1924  it  has  been  reduced  again  by  more 
than  $1,000,000,000,  and  stands  at  an  estimated  amount  of 
$21,254,000,000,  which  is  a  reduction  in  three  years  of  $2,- 
722,000,000,  and  means  a  saving  of  interest  of  more  than 
$120,000,000  each  year. 

This  shows  that  the  intensive  campaign  which  was  com- 


menced  three  years  ago  has  been  waged  unrelentingly.  In 
this  campaign  we  have  had  the  active  cooperation  and  sup- 
port of  the  Congress.  The  three  budgets  presented  by  the 
Chief  Executive  to  the  Congress  have  carried  drastic,  pro- 
gressive reductions  in  their  estimates  for  funds.  Congress 
has  adhered  to  Budget  procedure  in  passing  upon  these  es- 
timates. The  appropriations  granted  have  been  in  har- 
mony with  the  financial  program  of  the  Chief  Executive. 

When  we  met  six  months  ago  I  stated  to  you  that  this 
fight  for  economy  had  but  one  purpose — that  its  benefits 
would  accrue  to  the  whole  people  through  reduction  in 
taxes.  Taxes  have  now  been  reduced.  Under  the  new  tax 
law,  tax  receipts,  as  now  estimated,  will  be  approximately 
$6,000,000  per  day  less  for  1925  than  they  were  in  1921. 
While  our  immediate  need  is  for  tax  reform,  as  distin- 
guished from  tax  reduction,  we  must  continue  this  cam- 
paign for  economy  so  as  to  make  possible  further  tax  re- 
duction. We  owe  this  to  the  people  of  our  Nation,  to  the 
people  who  must  pay  with  their  toil.  The  relief  which 
has  recently  been  afforded  must  be  only  the  beginning.  So 
in  all  your  efforts,  in  all  your  sacrifices,  you  must  bear  in 
mind  that  you  are  making  them  for  the  people  of  our 
country.  There  could  be  no  nobler  cause  or  one  showing 
higher  patriotism.  Bear  in  mind  always  that  we  are  here 
as  the  servants  of  the  people  and  that  only  as  we  serve 
them  well  and  faithfully  shall  we  succeed. 

This  insistent  demand  for  economy  and  reduction  in  ex- 
penditures necessarily  requires  increasing  efficiency  of  ad- 
ministration. I  realize  that  it  is  making  an  ever-increasing 
call  upon  the  administrative  ability  of  responsible  officials. 
But  this  is  a  call  for  real  service.  It  demands  a  most  search- 
ing inquiry  into  the  field  of  your  activities  so  as  to  remove 
entirely  from  them  all  elements  which  are  not  essential 
and  so  as  to  curtail  all  those  which  may  be  reduced  without 
prejudice  to  the  welfare  of  the  Nation.    If  there  is  any 


question  as  to  the  authority  of  heads  of  departments  or  es- 
tablishments to  discontinue  or  reduce  any  phase  of  exist- 
ing work,  it  is  my  desire  that  they  report  the  matter  to  me. 
The  duty  and  the  opportunity  to-day  of  the  Government's 
administrators  is  not  to  enter  upon  new  fields  of  enterprise. 
On  the  other  hand,  it  is  their  duty  and  opportunity  to  carry 
on  approved  and  necessary  activities  with  the  smallest  pos- 
sible expenditure.  In  the  past  twenty  years  the  Govern- 
ment's activities  have  developed  and  multiplied  in  a  most 
extraordinary  way.  Certainly  the  initiation  of  new  activ- 
ities should  be  discouraged  unless  essential  to  the  well-being 
of  the  Nation.  We,  the  administrators  of  the  Government's 
great  business  interests,  should  have  at  this  time  only  one 
thought  and  policy — to  perform  efficiently  the  functions 
devolving  upon  us  under  the  law.  And  we  should  accom- 
plish this  with  the  smallest  possible  demand  upon  the 
Treasury.  We  have  made  real  progress  in  this  direction. 
Our  responsibility  to  the  taxpayers  demands  further  prog- 

To-morrow  we  commence  a  new  fiscal  year.  We  will 
have  a  smaller  revenue  by  reason  of  the  lessening  of  the 
burden  of  the  taxpayer  under  the  new  tax  law.  On  the 
other  hand,  we  will  have  an  increase  in  our  fixed  charges. 
The  World  War  adjusted  compensation  act  alone  adds  ap- 
proximately $132,000,000  to  our  fixed  charges  for  1925.  A 
real  battle  faces  us,  but  we  are  organized  for  the  fight.  The 
best  estimate  to-day  indicates  a  surplus  of  approximately 
$25,000,000  for  the  next  fiscal  year.  This  estimate  is  pred- 
icated on  an  expenditure  program  which,  exclusive  of  the 
redemption  of  the  public  debt,  amounts  to  $3,083,000,000. 
I  desire  that  this  expenditure  program  be  reduced  by  $83,- 
000,000.  I  do  not  contemplate  total  expenditures  for  the 
next  fiscal  year  which  will  exceed  $3,000,000,000,  exclusive 
of  the  redemption  of  the  public  debt.  This  will  give  us  a 
surplus  at  the  end  of  1925  of  $108,000,000.    This,  or  a  great- 


er  surplus,  should  be  our  aim.  The  people  have  faith  in  us. 
We  must  preserve  this  faith.  Our  efforts  and  our  accom- 
plishments are  also  serving  as  inspiration  to  the  other  na- 
tions of  the  world.  We  are  setting  the  example  for  reduc- 
tion in  the  cost  of  government  and  for  return  to  ordinary 
peace-time  conditions.  There  can  be  no  faltering.  Our 
duty  is  plain.  As  we  have  progressed  in  these  last  three 
years,  so  we  must  continue. 

You,  with  your  intimate  knowledge  of  the  details  of  your 
work,  know  where  further  practical  economies  can  be  ef- 
fected. I  desire,  however,  that  you  give  especial  attention 
to  the  matter  of  personnel.  This  is  by  far  the  most  costly 
item  in  our  expenditures.  We  must  reduce  the  Govern- 
ment payroll.  I  am  satisfied  that  it  will  lead  to  greater  effi- 
ciency. And  in  this  same  connection  I  desire  careful  scru- 
tiny of  travel  orders.  Our  travel  expense  item  is  too  great. 
An  order  for  travel  should  be  given  only  when  absolutely 
necessary.  You  can  effect  economy  in  this  item.  A  further 
fertile  field  for  economy  is  the  item  of  printing  and  binding. 
I  am  sometimes  startled  at  the  number  of  Government 
publications  which  come  to  my  attention.  It  can  not  be 
that  all  are  necessary. 

In  this  effort  for  economy  and  efficiency  in  the  Federal 
service  the  coordinating  agencies  created  by  Executive  or- 
der have  played  a  most  important  part.  The  necessity  and 
value  of  coordination  have  been  clearly  demonstrated.  It 
has  brought  the  departments  and  establishments  into  in- 
timate contact.  Contradictory  plans,  conflicting  proced- 
ures, have  been  supplanted  by  common  plans  and  har- 
monious procedures.  It  is  essential  that  this  work  go  on. 
I  realize  the  heavy  demands  upon  the  members  of  the  sev- 
eral coordinating  boards.  They  have  also  their  depart- 
mental work  to  perform.  This  calls  again  for  a  real  sac- 
rifice, but  for  a  sacrifice  in  the  interest  of  the  taxpayers. 

You  are  now  preparing  your  preliminary  estimates  for; 


the  fiscal  year  1926.  For  that  fiscal  year  it  will  be  my  pur- 
pose to  transmit  to  Congress  estimates  of  appropriations 
which,  excluding  the  interest  on  and  reduction  in  the  public 
debt,  and  the  Postal  Service,  will  not  exceed  a  total  of 
$1,800,000,000.  This  tentative  limitation  is  in  furtherance 
of  my  program  for  a  progressive  reduction  in  the  cost  of 

I  regret  that  there  are  still  some  officials  who  apparently 
feel  that  the  estimates  transmitted  to  the  Bureau  of  the 
Budget  are  the  estimates  which  they  are  authorized  to  ad- 
vocate before  the  committees  of  the  Congress.  Let  me  say 
here  that  under  the  budget  and  accounting  act  the  only 
lawful  estimates  are  those  which  the  Chief  Executive  trans- 
mits to  the  Congress.  It  is  these  estimates  that  call  for 
your  loyal  support.  Unless  such  support  be  given,  you  are 
not  fulfilling  your  obligations  to  your  office.  I  trust  that 
neither  the  Chief  Executive  nor  the  Appropriations  Com- 
mittees of  Congress  again  will  have  occasion  to  call  your 
attention  to  the  provisions  of  the  budget  and  accounting 
act.  This  law  must  be  observed  not  only  in  its  letter  but 
in  its  spirit.  I  herewith  serve  notice  again  as  Chief  Exec- 
utive that  I  propose  to  protect  the  integrity  of  my  budget. 

We  must  have  no  carelessness  in  our  dealings  with  public 
property  or  the  expenditure  of  public  money.  Such  a  con- 
dition is  characteristic  either  of  an  undeveloped  people,  or 
of  a  decadent  civilization.  America  is  neither.  It  stands 
out  strong  and  vigorous  and  mature.  We  must  have  an  ad- 
ministration which  is  marked,  not  by  the  .inexperience  of 
youth,  or  the  futility  of  age,  but  by  the  character  and  abil- 
ity of  maturity.  We  have  had  the  self-control'to  put  into 
effect  the  Budget  system,  to  live  under  it  and  in  accordance 
with  it.  It  is  an  accomplishment  in  the  art  of  self-govern- 
ment of  the  very  highest  importance.  It  means  that  the 
American  Government  is  not  a  spendthrift,  and  that  it  is 
not  lacking  in  the  force  or  disposition  to  organize  and  ad- 


minister  its  finances  in  a  scientific  way.  To  maintain  this 
condition  puts  us  constantly  on  trial.  It  requires  us  to 
demonstrate  whether  we  are  weaklings,  or  whether  we  have 
strength  of  character.  It  is  not  too  much  to  say  that  it  is 
a  measure  of  the  power  and  integrity  of  the  civilization 
which  we  represent.  I  have  a  firm  faith  in  your  ability  to 
maintain  this  position,  and  in  the  will  of  the  American  peo- 
ple to  support  you  in  that  determination.  In  that  faith  in 
you  and  them,  I  propose  to  persevere.  I  am  for  economy. 
After  that  I  am  for  more  economy.  At  this  time  and  under 
present  conditions  that  is  my  conception  of  serving  all  the 

I  will  now  turn  this  meeting  over  to  General  Lord,  the 
Director  of  the  Bureau  of  the  Budget.  He  is  human.  He 
hates  to  say  no.  But  he  is  a  brave  man,  and  he  does  his 
duty  without  fear  or  favor.  This  Nation  is  his  debtor.  He 
will  tell  you  more  in  detail  of  the  things  which  have  been 
accomplished  and  of  the  work  which  lies  before  you  under 
the  financial  program  which  I  have  outlined  to  you.  But 
let  me  leave  this  final  word  with  you.  So  far  as  it  is  within 
my  power  I  will  not  permit  increases  in  expenditures  that 
threaten  to  prevent  further  tax  reduction  or  that  contem- 
plate such  an  unthinkable  thing  as  increase  in  taxes.  If 
with  increasing  business  our  revenues  increase,  such  in- 
crease should  not  be  absorbed  in  new  ways  of  spending. 
They  should  be  applied  to  the  lowering  of  taxes.  In  that 
direction  lies  the  public  welfare. 


It  needed  but  little  contemplation  to  determine 
that  the  greatest  obstacle  to  freedom  was  ignor- 
ance. If  there  was  to  be  self-government,  if 
there  was  to  be  popular  sovereignty,  if  there  was 
to  be  an  almost  unlimited  privilege  to  vote  and 
hold  office,  if  the  people  were  going  to  maintain 
themselves  and  administer  their  own  political 
and  social  affairs,  it  was  necessary  as  a  purely 
practical  matter  that  they  should  have  a  suffi- 
ciently trained  and  enlightened  intelligence  to 
accomplish  that  end.  Popular  government 
could  only  be  predicated  on  popular  education. 



For  almost  a  century  and  a  half  the  Fourth  of  July  has 
been  marked  as  Independence  Day.  It  has  been  given 
over  to  the  contemplation  of  those  principles  and  those  in- 
stitutions which  America  peculiarly  represents.  In  times 
gone  by  the  exuberance  of  youth  and  the  consciousness  of 
power  recently  gained  has  often  made  it  an  occasion  for 
boastfulness.  Long  orations  have  been  made,  which  con- 
sisted for  the  most  part  of  a  reassurance  to  ourselves  and  a 
notice  to  the  world  that  we  were  a  great  Nation.  Those 
days  are  past.  Our  own  people  need  no  reassurance,  the 
world  needs  no  notice,  of  this  long  self-evident  conclusion. 
Our  country  has  not  ceased  to  glory  in  its  strength,  but  it 
has  come  to  a  realization  that  it  must  have  something  more 
than  numbers  and  wealth,  something  more  than  a  fleet  and 
an  army,  to  satisfy  the  longing  of  the  soul.  It  knows  that 
to  power  must  be  added  wisdom,  and  to  greatness  must  be 
added  morality.  It  is  no  longer  so  solicitous  to  catalogue 
the  powers  which  it  possesses,  as  to  direct  those  great  forces 
for  the  spiritual  advancement  of  the  American  people  at 
home  and  the  discharge  of  the  obligations  to  humanity 
abroad.  America  is  turning  from  the  things  that  are  seen 
to  the  things  that  are  unseen. 

By  this  I  do  not  mean  that  there  is  in  contemplation,  or 
required,  any  change  in  our  fundamental  institutions.  I 
mean,  rather,  that  we  are  beginning  to  reap  the  rewards 
which  accrue  from  the  existence  of  those  institutions  and 

At  the  Convention  of  the  National  Education  Association,  Washington, 
D.  C,  July  4,  1924. 



our  devotion  and  loyalty  to  them.  Some  principles  are  so 
constant  and  so  obvious  that  we  do  not  need  to  change 
them,  but  we  need  rather  to  observe  them.  The  world  is 
fairly  well  agreed  on  the  probable  permanence  of  the  first 
four  tables  of  the  arithmetic  with  which  I  struggled  when 
I  attended  the  district  school.  It  is  not  thought  that  they 
need  to  be  changed,  or  that  we  can  make  any  progress  by 
refusing  to  apply  them.  Those  who  seek  to  evade  them  in 
the  ordinary  business  and  procedure  of  life  would  undoubt- 
edly find  that  such  action  would  work  either  to  the  ruin  of 
any  commercial  enterprise,  or  if  it  did  not,  the  beneficia- 
ries of  such  a  disregard  of  the  commonly  accepted  rules  of 
addition  would  undoubtedly  find  that  a  very  large  majority 
of  people  would  be  old-fashioned  enough  to  charge  them 
with  fraud.  The  institutions  of  the  Government  and  so- 
ciety may  not  always  be  susceptible  of  a  demonstration 
which  is  as  exact  as  those  of  mathematics,  but  nevertheless 
political  relationship  is  a  very  old  science  which  has  been 
set  out  in  theory  and  wrought  out  in  practice  through  very 
many  centuries.  Its  fundamental  principles  are  fairly  well 
established.  That  there  could  have  been  gathered  together 
a  body  of  men  so  learned  in  that  science,  so  experienced  in 
its  application,  so  talented  and  so  wise  in  its  statement  and 
demonstration,  as  those  who  prepared,  formulated,  and  se- 
cured the  adoption  of  the  American  Constitution,  will  never 
cease  to  be  the  wonder  and  admiration  of  the  profoundest 
students  of  Government.  After  making  every  allowance 
for  a  fortunate  combination  of  circumstances  and  the  ac- 
complishments of  human  ingenuity,  they  have  been  nearly 
all  forced  to  come  to  the  belief  that  it  can  be  accounted  for 
only  by  the  addition  of  another  element,  which  we  must 
recognize  as  the  guiding  hand  of  Providence.  As  we  can 
make  progress  in  science  not  by  the  disregard,  but  by  the 
application  of  the  laws  of  mathematics,  so  in  my  firm  con- 
viction we  can  make  progress  politically  and  socially,  not 


by  a  disregard  of  those  fundamental  principles  which  are  the 
recognized,  ratified  and  established  American  institutions, 
but  by  their  scrupulous  support  and  observance.  Ameri- 
can ideals  do  not  require  to  be  changed  so  much  as  they 
require  to  be  understood  and  applied. 

The  return  of  this  day  quite  naturally  invites  us  to  a 
reconsideration  of  those  principles  set  out  in  the  Declara- 
tion of  Independence,  which  were  for  the  first  time  fully 
established  in  a  form  of  government  by  the  adoption  of  the 
American  Constitution.  Such  a  consideration  presents 
many  angles,  for  it  touches  the  entire  life  of  the  Nation. 
To  deal  with  so  large  a  subject  adequately,  it  is  obvious 
would  require  extensive  treatment.  On  this  occasion  it  is 
possible  only  to  touch  on  one  phase  of  it. 

It  can  not  be  too  often  pointed  out  that  the  fundamental 
conception  of  American  institutions  is  regard  for  the  indi- 
vidual. The  rights  which  are  so  clearly  asserted  in  the 
Declaration  of  Independence  are  the  rights  of  the  individ- 
ual. The  wrongs  of  which  that  instrument  complains,  and 
which  it  asserts  it  is  the  purpose  of  its  signers  to  redress, 
are  the  wrongs  of  the  individual.  Through  it  all  runs  the 
recognition  of  the  dignity  and  worth  of  the  individual,  be- 
cause of  his  possession  of  those  qualities  which  are  revealed 
to  us  by  religion.  It  is  this  conception  alone  which  war- 
rants the  assertion  of  the  universal  right  to  freedom. 
America  has  been  the  working  out  of  the  modern  effort  to 
provide  a  system  of  government  and  society  which  would 
give  to  the  individual  that  freedom  which  his  nature  re- 

It  is  easy  to  appreciate  both  the  soundness  and  the  gran- 
deur of  such  a  vision.  Its  magnitude  implies  that  it  was  a 
conception  not  to  be  accomplished  in  a  day  or  a  year,  but 
by  the  slow  and  toilsome  experience  of  generations.  The 
foundations  of  the  structure  have  been  laid,  the  rules  of 
action  have  been  stated.    It  is  for  us  to  make  such  contri- 


bution  as  we  are  able  toward  its  completion  and  adoption. 
The  end  sought  has  been  to  create  a  nation  wherein  the  in- 
dividual might  rise  to  the  full  stature  of  manhood  and 

It  needed  but  little  contemplation  to  determine  that 
the  greatest  obstacle  to  freedom  was  ignorance.  If  there 
was  to  be  self-government,  if  there  was  to  be  popular  sov- 
ereignty, if  there  was  to  be  an  almost  unlimited  privilege 
to  vote  and  hold  office,  if  the  people  were  going  to  maintain 
themselves  and  administer  their  own  political  and  social 
affairs,  it  was  necessary  as  a  purely  practical  matter  that 
they  should  have  a  sufficiently  trained  and  enlightened  in- 
telligence to  accomplish  that  end.  Popular  government 
could  only  be  predicated  on  popular  education.  In  addi- 
tion to  this,  the  very  conception  of  the  value  and  responsi- 
bility of  the  individual,  which  made  him  worthy  to  be  en- 
trusted with  this  high  estate,  required  that  he  should  be 
furnished  the  opportunity  to  develop  the  spiritual  nature, 
with  which  he  was  endowed,  through  adequate  education. 

Merely  to  state  the  American  ideal  is  to  perceive  not 
only  how  far  we  still  are  from  its  realization,  but  to  com- 
prehend with  what  patience  we  must  view  many  seeming 
failures,  while  we  contemplate  with  great  satisfaction  much 
assured  success. 

We  can  see  the  early  beginnings  of  our  country  and  un- 
derstand the  situation  in  those  days  better  than  it  was 
understood  by  its  own  contemporaries.  It  was  a  time  of 
great  toil  and  hardship.  The  entire  settled  area  could  be 
described  as  little  more  than  a  frontier.  Everything  in  the 
way  of  modern  convenience  was  wanting,  and  save  where  a 
sea-going  commerce  was  beginning,  there  was  an  entire  ab- 
sence of  wealth.  The  America  which  we  know  had  yet  to 
be  made.  But  the  land  was  blessed  with  a  great  people 
and  with  great  leaders.  Washington  and  Jefferson,  Frank- 
lin and  Mason,  Hamilton  and  Madison^  Adams  and  Mar- 


shall,  suggest  a  type  of  citizenship  and  leadership,  of  schol- 
arship and  statesmanship,  of  wisdom  and  character,  of  abil- 
ity and  patriotism,  unsurpassed  by  any  group  of  men  ever 
brought  together  to  direct  the  political  destinies  of  a  na- 
tion. They  did  what  they  could  in  their  time  for  the  ad- 
vancement of  the  public  welfare,  and  they  were  not  dis- 
contented because  they  could  not  immediately  secure  per- 
fection. They  had  a  vision  and  they  worked  toward  it. 
They  knew  that  in  their  day  it  was  not  to  be  fully  realized. 
They  did  not  lack  the  courage  to  have  faith  in  the  future. 

They  started  the  country  on  that  long  road  of  stupendous 
achievement  with  which  you  are  all  so  familiar.  To  pro- 
vide for  that  human  welfare  which  was  the  cherished  hope 
of  the  Declaration  of  Independence  and  the  well-wrought- 
out  plan  of  the  Federal  Constitution,  it  was  necessary  to 
develop  the  material  resources  of  our  country.  There  had 
to  be  created  the  instruments  with  which  to  minister  to  the 
well-being  of  the  people.  National  poverty  had  to  be  re- 
placed with  national  possessions.  Transportation  had  to 
be  provided  by  land  and  water.  Manufacturing  plants  had 
to  be  erected.  Great  agricultural  resources  had  to  be 
brought  under  cultivation.  The  news  service  of  the  press 
had  to  be  established.  The  schoolhouse,  the  university, 
the  place  of  religious  worship,  all  had  to  be  built.  All  of 
these  mighty  agencies  had  to  be  created,  that  they  might 
contribute  to  a  unified  national  life  where  freedom  might 
reign  and  where  the  citizen  might  be  his  own  sovereign. 

It  was  only  as  this  work  was  accomplished,  as  these  in- 
struments were  provided,  these  properties  built,  and  these 
possessions  accumulated,  that  there  could  be  a  reduction 
in  the  hours  of  labor,  an  increase  in  the  rewards  of  employ- 
ment, and  a  general  betterment  in  those  material  conditions 
which  result  in  a  higher  standard  of  living.  The  leisure  for 
culture  had  to  be  secured  in  this  way.  Servitude  of  all 
kinds  is  scarcely  ever  abolished  unless  there  is  created  eco- 


nomic  opportunity  for  freedom.  We  are  beginning  to  see 
that  the  economic  development  of  our  country  was  not  only 
necessary  for  advancing  the  welfare  of  the  people,  but  that 
we  must  maintain  an  expanding  power  of  production  if  that 
welfare  is  to  be  increased.  Business  makes  a  most  valuable 
contribution  to  human  progress. 

As  we  look  back  upon  all  this  development,  while  we 
know  that  it  was  absolutely  dependent  upon  a  reign  of  law, 
nevertheless  some  of  us  can  not  help  thinking  how  little  of 
it  has  been  dependent  on  acts  of  legislation.  Given  their 
institutions,  the  people  themselves  have  in  the  past,  as  they 
must  in  the  future,  to  a  very  large  degree  worked  out  their 
own  salvation  without  the  interposition  of  the  Government. 
It  is  always  possible  to  regulate  and  supervise  by  legisla- 
tion what  has  already  been  created,  but  while  legislation 
can  stimulate  and  encourage,  the  real  creative  ability  which 
builds  up  and  develops  the  country,  ancTin  general  makes 
human  existence  more  tolerable  and  life  more  complete,  has 
to  be  supplied  by  the  genius  of  the  people  themselves.  The 
Government  can  supply  no  substitute  for  enterprise. 

As  a  result  of  the  activity  of  all  these  forces,  our  country 
has  developed  enormous  resources.  It  has  likewise  to  be 
admitted  that  its  requirements  are  very  large,  but  the  fact 
remains  that  it  has  come  into  a  position  where  it  has  the 
accumulations  of  wealth  and  means  of  production  more  ad- 
equately to  provide  for  the  welfare  of  its  people,  and  more 
securely  to  establish  their  physical,  mental,  and  moral  well- 
being.  You  are  making  your  contribution  to  this  great 
work  in  the  field  of  education.  It  is  here  especially  that 
the  growth  and  progress  of  our  country  can  be  most  easily 
understood.  You  can  realize  what  an  opportunity  for  se- 
curing the  higher  things  of  life  they  have  provided  when 
you  recall  that  it  is  claimed  that  one  out  of  every  four  per- 
sons in  this  Nation,  either  as  pupil,  administrator,  or  teach- 
er, is  now  in  some  capacity  directly  concerned  in  education. 


In  the  year  1921-22,  the  latest  time  for  which  complete 
statistics  have  been  compiled,  the  students  in  the  elemen- 
tary and  secondary  schools,  in  the  colleges  and  universities, 
had  reached  the  unprecedented  number  of  26,206,756,  and 
the  total  number  of  teachers  and  administrators  approxi- 
mately 882,500.  If  to  this  number  one  should  add  the  par- 
ents, the  members  of  school  boards,  and  the  taxpayers  who 
maintain  them,  it  becomes  clear  at  once  how  universal  is 
the  direct  or  indirect  concern  of  our  citizens  with  the 

Another  indication,  both  of  our  increasing  resources  and 
of  the  tremendous  importance  of  education  in  the  life  of 
the  Nation,  is  the  great  amount  of  money  which  we  are 
able  to  spend  for  it.  Twelve  years  ago  the  total  money  ex- 
pended for  all  educational  purposes  amounted  approxi- 
mate to  $705,781,900.  In  10  years  this  had  increased  to 
$2,144,651,000.  Even  when  one  takes  into  account  the  de- 
preciation of  the  dollar,  due  to  the  economic  changes  caused 
by  the  World  War,  it  becomes  clear  that  the  American 
people  have  demonstrated  their  faith  in  education  and  their 
determination  to  use  the  wealth  of  the  Nation  for  the  cre- 
ation of  the  highest  type  of  manhood  and  womanhood. 

While  I  believe  that  educators  are  under  obligation  to 
expend  public  funds  economically,  it  seems  obvious  that  the 
recent  increase  in  expenses  for  this  purpose  is  a  most  wise 
investment.  It  is  impossible  to  conceive  that  there  should 
be  any  increase  in  agricultural  products,  in  the  production 
of  manufactures,  or  any  other  increase  in  our  material 
wealth,  through  ignorance.  The  reaction  to  using  the  re- 
sources of  the  country  to  develop  the  brains  of  the  country 
through  education  has  always  been  greatly  to  stimulate 
and  increase  the  power  of  the  people  to  produce. 

As  already  indicated,  America  is  turning  from  the  mere 
thought  of  the  material  advantage  to  a  greater  appreciation 
of  the  cultural  advantage  of  learning.    It  is  coming  to  be 


valued  more  and  more  for  its  own  sake.  People  desire  not 
only  the  intelligence  to  comprehend  economic  and  social 
problems,  but  they  are  finding  increased  leisure  is  little 
more  than  time  wasted  in  indulgence,  unless  an  opportunity 
for  self-development  and  self-expression  has  been  provided 
in  youth  by  the  cultivation  of  a  taste  for  literature,  history, 
and  the  fine  arts. 

It  is  necessary  also  that  education  should  be  the  hand- 
maid of  citizenship.  Our  institutions  are  constantly  and 
very  properly  the  subject  of  critical  inquiry.  Unless  their 
nature  is  comprehended,  and  their  origin  is  understood, 
unless  their  value  be  properly  assessed,  the  citizen  falls 
ready  prey  to  those  selfish  agitators  who  would  exploit  his 
prejudices  to  promote  their  own  advantage.  On  this  day, 
of  all  days,  it  ought  to  be  made  clear  that  America  has  had 
its  revolution  and  placed  the  power  of  Government  square- 
ly, securely,  and  entirely  in  the  hands  of  the  people.  For 
all  changes  which  they  may  desire,  for  all  grievances  which 
they  may  suffer,  the  ballot  box  furnishes  a  complete  method 
and  remedy.  Into  their  hands  has  been  committed  com- 
plete jurisdiction  and  control  over  all  the  functions  of  Gov- 
ernment. For  the  most  part  our  institutions  are  attacked 
in  the  name  of  social  and  economic  reform.  Unless  there 
be  some  teaching  of  sound  economics  in  the  schools,  the 
voter  and  taxpayer  are  in  danger  of  accepting  vague  theories 
which  lead  only  to  social  discontent  and  public  disaster. 
The  body  politic  has  little  chance  of  choosing  patriotic  of- 
ficials who  can  administer  its  financial  affairs  with  wisdom 
and  safety,  unless  there  is  a  general  diffusion  of  knowledge 
and  information  on  elementary  economic  subjects  sufficient 
to  create  and  adequately  to  support  public  opinion.  Every- 
one ought  to  realize  that  the  sole  source  of  national  wealth 
is  thrift  and  industry,  and  that  the  sole  supply  of  the  pub- 
lic treasury  is  the  toil  of  the  people.  Of  course,  patriotism 
is  always  to  be  taught.    National  defense  is  a  necessity  and 


a  virtue,  but  peace  with  honor  is  the  normal,  natural  condi- 
tion of  mankind,  and  must  be  made  the  chief  end  to  be 
sought  in  human  relationship. 

Another  element  must  be  secured  in  the  training  of  cit- 
izenship, or  all  else  will  be  in  vain.  All  of  our  learning  and 
science,  our  culture  and  our  arts,  will  be  of  little  avail,  un- 
less they  are  supported  by  high  character,  unless  there  be 
honor,  truth,  and  justice.  Unless  our  material  resources  are 
supported  by  moral  and  spiritual  resources,  there  is  no 
foundation  for  progress.  A  trained  intelligence  can  do 
much,  but  there  is  no  substitute  for  morality,  character,  and 
religious  convictions.  Unless  these  abide,  American  citizen- 
ship will  be  found  unequal  to  its  task. 

It  is  with  some  diffidence  that  I  speak  of  the  required 
facilities  of  the  school  in  this  presence.  We  are  able  to 
give  more  attention  to  the  schoolhouse  than  formerly.  It 
ought  to  be  not  only  convenient,  commodious,  and  sanitary, 
but  it  ought  to  be  a  work  of  art  which  would  appeal  to  the 
love  of  the  beautiful.  The  schoolhouse  itself  ought  to  im- 
press the  scholar  with  an  ideal,  it  ought  to  serve  as  an  in- 

But  the  main  factor  of  every  school  is  the  teacher.  Teach- 
ing is  one  of  the  noblest  of  professions.  It  requires  an 
adequate  preparation  and  training,  patience,  devotion,  and 
a  deep  sense  of  responsibility.  Those  who  mold  the  human 
mind  have  wrought  not  for  time,  but  for  eternity.  The 
obligation  which  we  all  owe  to  those  devoted  men  and 
women  who  have  given  of  their  lives  to  the  education  of  the 
youth  of  our  country  that  they  might  have  freedom  through 
coming  into  a  knowledge  of  the  truth  is  one  which  can  never 
be  discharged.  They  are  entitled  not  only  to  adequate  re- 
wards for  their  service,  but  to  the  veneration  and  honor  of 
a  grateful  people. 

It  is  not  alone  the  youth  of  the  land  which  needs  and 
seeks  education,  but  we  have  a  large  adult  population  re- 


quiring  assistance  in  this  direction.  Our  last  census  showed 
nearly  14,000,000  foreign-born  white  persons  residing 
among  us,  made  up  largely  of  those  beyond  school  age, 
many  of  whom  nevertheless  need  the  opportunity  to  learn 
to  read  and  write  the  English  language,  that  they  may  come 
into  more  direct  contact  with  the  ideals  and  standards  of 
our  life,  political  and  social.  There  are  likewise  over  3,000,- 
000  native  illiterates.  When  it  is  remembered  that  ignor- 
ance is  the  most  fruitful  source  of  poverty,  vice,  and  crime, 
it  is  easy  to  realize  the  necessity  for  removing  what  is  a 
menace,  not  only  to  our  social  well-being,  but  to  the  very 
existence  of  the  Republic.  A  failure  to  meet  this  obliga- 
tion registers  a  serious  and  inexcusable  defect  in  our  Gov- 
ernment. Such  a  condition  not  only  works  to  a  national 
disadvantage,  but  directly  contradicts  all  our  assertions  re- 
garding human  rights.  One  of  the  chief  rights  of  an  Ameri- 
can citizen  is  the  right  to  an  education.  The  opportunity 
to  secure  it  must  not  only  be  provided,  but  if  necessary 
made  compulsory. 

It  is  in  this  connection  that  we  are  coming  to  give  more 
attention  to  rural  and  small  village  schools,  which  serve  47 
per  cent  of  the  children  of  the  Nation.  It  is  significant  that 
less  than  70  per  cent  of  these  children  average  to  be  in  at- 
tendance on  any  school  day,  and  that  there  is  a  tendency  to 
leave  them  in  charge  of  undertrained  and  underpaid  teach- 
ers. The  advent  of  good  roads  should  do  much  to  improve 
these  conditions.  The  old  one-room  country  school,  such 
as  I  attended,  ought  to  give  way  to  the  consolidated  school, 
with  a  modern  building,  and  an  adequate  teaching  force, 
commensurate  with  the  best  advantages  that  are  provided 
for  our  urban  population.  While  life  in  the  open  country' 
has  many  advantages  that  are  denied  to  those  reared  on 
the  pavements  and  among  crowded  buildings,  it  ought  no 
longer  to  be  handicapped  by  poor  school  facilities.    The  re- 


sources  exist  with  which  they  can  be  provided,  if  they  are 
but  adequately  marshalled  and  employed. 

The  encouragement  and  support  of  education  is  peculiar- 
ly the  function  of  the  several  States.  While  the  political 
units  of  the  district,  the  township,  and  the  county  should 
not  fail  to  make  whatever  contribution  they  are  able,  never- 
theless since  the  wealth  and  resources  of  the  different  com- 
munities vary,  while  the  needs  of  the  youth  for  education 
in  the  rich  city  and  in  the  poor  country  are  exactly  the 
same,  and  the  obligations  of  society  toward  them  are  ex- 
actly the  same,  it  is  proper  that  the  State  treasury  should 
be  called  on  to  supply  the  needed  deficiency.  The  State 
must  contribute,  set  the  standard,  and  provide  supervision 
if  society  is  to  discharge  its  full  duty  not  only  to  the  youth 
of  the  country,  but  even  to  itself. 

The  cause  of  education  has  long  had  the  thoughtful  so- 
licitude of  the  National  Government.  While  it  is  realized 
that  it  is  a  State  affair,  rather  than  a  national  affair,  never- 
theless it  has  provided  by  law  a  Bureau  of  Education.  It 
has  not  been  thought  wise  to  undertake  to  collect  money 
from  the  various  States  into  the  National  Treasury  and  dis- 
tribute it  again  among  the  various  States  for  the  direct  sup- 
port of  education.  It  has  seemed  a  better  policy  to  leave 
their  taxable  resources  to  the  States,  and  permit  them  to 
make  their  own  assessments  for  the  support  of  their  own 
schools  in  their  own  way.  But  for  a  long  time  the  cause  of 
education  has  been  regarded  as  so  important  and  so  preem- 
inently an  American  cause,  that  the  National  Government 
has  sought  to  encourage  it,  scientifically  to  investigate  its 
needs,  and  furnish  information  and  advice  for  its  constant 
advancement.  Pending  before  the  Congress  is  the  report 
of  a  committee  which  proposes  to  establish  a  Department 
of  Education  and  Relief,  to  be  presided  over  by  a  Cabinet 
officer.  Bearing  in  mind  that  this  does  not  mean  any  in- 
terference with  the  local  control,  but  is  rather  an  attempt 


to  recognize  and  dignify  the  importance  of  educational  ef- 
fort, such  proposal  has  my  hearty  indorsement  and  support. 

It  is  thus  that  our  educational  system  has  been  and  is 
ministering  to  our  national  life.  Our  country  is  in  process 
of  development.  Its  physical  elements  are  incomplete.  Its 
institutions  have  been  declared,  but  they  are  very  far  from 
being  adopted  and  applied.  We  have  not  yet  arrived  at 
perfection.  A  scientific  investigation  of  child  life  has  been 
begun,  but  yet  remains  to  be  finished.  There  is  a  vast 
amount  of  ignorance  and  misunderstanding,  of  envy, 
hatred,  and  jealousy,  with  their  attendant  train  of  vice  and 
crime.  We  are  not  yet  free,  but  we  are  struggling  to  become 
free  economically,  socially,  politically,  spiritually.  We  have 
limited  our  amount  of  immigration  in  order  that  the  peo- 
ple who  live  here,  whether  of  native  or  foreign  origin,  might 
continue  to  enjoy  the  economic  advantages  of  our  country, 
and  that  there  might  not  be  any  lowering  of  the  standards 
of  our  existence,  that  America  might  remain  American. 
We  have  submitted  an  amendment  to  the  national  Consti- 
tution designed  to  protect  the  child  life  of  the  Nation  from 
the  unwarranted  imposition  of  toil,  that  it  might  have 
greater  opportunity  for  enlightenment.  All  of  these  move- 
ments are  in  the  direction  of  increased  national  freedom, 
and  an  advance  toward  the  realization  of  the  vision  of 
Washington  and  Lincoln. 

A  new  importance  is  attaching  to  the  cause  of  educations 
A  new  realization  of  its  urgent  necessity  is  taking  hold  of 
the  Nation.  A  new  comprehension  that  the  problem  is 
only  beginning  to  be  solved  is  upon  the  people.  A  new 
determination  to  meet  the  requirements  of  the  situation  is 
everywhere  apparent.  The  economic  and  moral  waste  of 
ignorance  will  little  longer  be  tolerated.  This  awakening 
is  one  of  the  most  significant  developments  of  the  times.  It 
indicates  that  our  national  spirit  is  reasserting  itself.  It 
is  a  most  reassuring  evidence  that  the  country  is  recover- 


ing  from  the  natural  exhaustion  of  the  war,  and  that  it  is 
rising  to  a  new  life  and  starting  on  a  new  course.  It  is  in- 
tent, as  never  before,  upon  listening  to  the  word  of  the 
teacher,  whether  it  comes  from  the  platform,  the  school- 
house,  or  the  pulpit.  The  power  of  evil  is  being  broken. 
The  power  of  the  truth  is  reasserting  itself.  The  Declara- 
tion of  Independence  is  continuing  to  justify  itself. 



vin  C 


Doubters  do  not  achieve;  skeptics  do  not  con- 
tribute; cynics  do  not  create.  Faith  is  the  great 
motive  power,  and  no  man  realizes  his  full  pos- 
sibilities unless  he  has  the  deep  conviction  that  L 
life  is  eternally  important,  and  that  his  work, 
well  done,  is  a  part  of  an  unending  plan.  m 





There  was  no  Boy  Scout  organization  in  my  boyhood, 
but  every  boy  who  has  the  privilege  of  growing  up  on  a  farm 
learns  instinctively  the  three  fundamentals  of  scouthood. 

The  first  is  a  reverence  for  nature.  Boys  should  never 
lose  their  love  of  the  fields  and  the  streams,  the  mountains 
and  the  plains,  the  open  places  and  the  forests.  That  love 
will  be  a  priceless  possession  as  your  years  lengthen  out. 
There  is  an  instructive  myth  about  the  giant  Antaeus. 
Whenever  in  a  contest  he  was  thrown  down,  he  drew  fresh 
strength  from  his  mother,  the  earth,  and  so  was  thought 
invincible.  But  Hercules  lifted  him  away  from  the  earth 
and  so  destroyed  him.  There  is  new  life  in  the  soil  for 
every  man.  There  is  healing  in  the  trees  for  tired  minds 
and  for  our  overburdened  spirits,  there  is  strength  in  the 
hills,  if  only  we  will  lift  up  our  eyes.  Remember  that  na- 
ture is  your  great  restorer. 

The  second  is  a  reverence  for  law.  I  remember  the  town 
meetings  of  my  boyhood,  when  the  citizens  of  our  little 
town  met  to  levy  taxes  on  themselves,  and  to  choose  from 
their  own  number  those  who  should  be  their  officers.  There 
is  something  in  every  town  meeting,  in  every  election,  that 
approaches  very  near  to  the  sublime.  I  am  thrilled  at  the 
thought  of  my  audience  tonight,  for  I  never  address  boys 
without  thinking,  among  them  may  be  a  boy  who  will  sit 
in  this  White  House.  Somewhere  there  are  boys  who  will 
be  presidents  of  our  railroads,  presidents  of  colleges,  of 

Address  delivered  at  the  White  House  July  25,  1924,  and  transmitted 
by  telephone  to  a  farewell  meeting  in  New  York  for  a  group  of  Boy 
Scouts  who  were  to  sail  July  26  to  attend  an  international  gathering  of 
the  organization  in  Copenhagen. 



banks,  owners  of  splendid  farms  and  useful  industries, 
members  of  Congress,  representatives  of  our  people  in  for- 
eign lands.    That  is  the  heritage  of  the  American  boy. 

It  was  an  act  of  magnificent  courage  when  our  ancestors 
set  up  a  nation  wherein  any  boy  may  aspire  to  anything. 
That  great  achievement  was  not  wrought  without  blood 
and  sacrifice.  Make  firm  your  resolution  to  carry  on  nobly 
what  has  been  so  nobly  begun.  Let  this  nation,  under  your 
influence,  be  a  finer  nation.  Resolve  that  the  sacrifices  by 
which  your  great  opportunities  have  been  purchased  will  be 
matched  by  a  sacrifice,  on  your  part,  that  will  give  your 
children  even  a  better  chance. 

The  third  is  a  reverence  for  God.  It  is  hard  to  see  how  a 
great  man  can  be  an  atheist.  Without  the  sustaining  in- 
fluence of  faith  in  a  divine  power  we  could  have  little  faith 
in  ourselves.  We  need  to  feel  that  behind  us  is  intelligence 
and  love.  Doubters  do  not  achieve;  skeptics  do  not  con- 
tribute; cynics  do  not  create.  Faith  is  the  great  motive 
power,  and  no  man  realizes  his  full  possibilities  unless  he 
has  the  deep  conviction  that  life  is  eternally  important,  and 
that  his  work,  well  done,  is  a  part  of  an  unending  plan. 

These  are  not  only  some  of  the  fundamentals  of  the 
teachings  of  the  Boy  Scouts,  they  are  the  fundamentals  of 
our  American  institutions.  If  you  will  take  them  with  you, 
if  you  will  be  living  examples  of  them  abroad,  you  will  make 
a  great  contribution  toward  a  better  understanding  of  our 
country,  and  receive  in  return  a  better  understanding  of 
other  countries ;  for  you  will  find  in  foreign  lands,  to  a  very 
large  extent,  exactly  what  you  carry  there  yourselves.  I 
trust  that  you  can  show  to  your  foreign  associates  in  the 
great  scout  movement  that  you  have  a  deep  reverence  for 
the  truth  and  are  determined  to  live  by  it ;  that  you  wish  to 
protect  and  cherish  your  own  country  and  contribute  to 
the  well  being,  right  thinking  and  true  living  of  the  whole 


Our  Constitution  guarantees  equal  rights  to  all 
our  citizens,  without  discrimination  on  account 
of  race  or  color.  I  have  taken  my  oath  to  sup- 
port that  Constitution.  It  is  the  source  of  your 
rights  and  my  rights.  I  propose  to  regard  it, 
and  administer  it,  as  the  source  of  the  rights  of 
all  the  people,  whatever  their  belief  or  race. 


My  dear  Sir: 

Your  letter  is  received,  accompanied  by  a  newspaper  clip- 
ping which  discusses  the  possibility  that  a  colored  man  may 
be  the  Republican  nominee  for  Congress  from  one  of  the 
New  York  districts.  Referring  to  this  newspaper  state- 
ment, you  say: 

"It  is  of  some  concern  whether  a  Negro  is  allowed  to 
run  for  Congress  anywhere,  at  any  time,  in  any  party, 
in  this,  a  white  man's  country.  Repeated  ignoring  of 
the  growing  race  problem  does  not  excuse  us  for  al- 
lowing encroachments.  Temporizing  with  the  Negro 
whether  he  will  or  will  not  vote  either  a  Democratic  or 
a  Republican  ticket,  as  evidenced  by  the  recent  turn- 
over in  Oklahoma,  is  contemptible." 

Leaving  out  of  consideration  the  manifest  impropriety  of 
the  President  intruding  himself  in  a  local  contest  for  nom- 
ination, I  was  amazed  to  receive  such  a  letter.  During  the 
war  500,000  colored  men  and  boys  were  called  up  under  the 
draft,  not  one  of  whom  sought  to  evade  it.  They  took 
their  places  wherever  assigned  in  defense  of  the  nation  of 
which  they  are  just  as  truly  citizens  as  are  any  others.  The 
suggestion  of  denying  any  measure  of  their  full  political 
rights  to  such  a  great  group  of  our  population  as  the  col- 
ored people  is  one  which,  however  it  might  be  received  in 
some  other  quarters,  could  not  possibly  be  permitted  by  one 
who  feels  a  responsibility  for  living  up  to  the  traditions  and 

Letter  to  Mr.  Charles  F.  Gardner,  Fort  Hamilton,  New  York,  dated 
August  9,  1924. 



maintaining  the  principles  of  the  Republican  Party.  Our 
Constitution  guarantees  equal  rights  to  all  our  citizens, 
without  discrimination  on  account  of  race  or  color.  I  have 
taken  my  oath  to  support  that  Constitution.  It  is  the 
source  of  your  rights  and  my  rights.  I  propose  to  regard  it, 
and  administer  it,  as  the  source  of  the  rights  of  all  the  peo- 
ple, whatever  their  belief  or  race.  A  colored  man  is  pre- 
cisely as  much  entitled  to  submit  his  candidacy  in  a  party 
primary,  as  is  any  other  citizen.  The  decision  must  be 
made  by  the  constituents  to  whom  he  offers  himself,  and  by 
nobody  else.  You  have  suggested  that  in  some  fashion  I 
should  bring  influence  to  bear  to  prevent  the  possibility  of 
a  colored  man  being  nominated  for  Congress.  In  reply, 
I  quote  my  great  predecessor,  Theodore  Roosevelt: 

"  *  *  *  I  cannot  consent  to  take  the  position  that  the 
door  of  hope — the  door  of  opportunity — is  to  be  shut  upon 
any  man,  no  matter  how  worthy,  purely  upon  the  grounds 

of  race  or  color." 

Yours  very  truly,  etc. 


We  perform  different  tasks,  but  the  spirit  is  the 

same.    We  are  proud  of  work  and  ashamed  of 

idleness.     With  us  there  is  no  task  which  is  \ 

menial,  no  service  which  is  degrading.    All  work 

is  ennobling  and  all  workers  are  ennobled. 


Labor  Day  is  more  entitled  than  any  other  to  be  called 
a  national  holiday.  Other  holidays  had  their  origin  in  state 
legislative  action.  Labor  Day  had  its  origin  in  national 
legislative  action.  After  Congress  had  taken  the  lead  the 
states  followed.  It  is  moreover  a  peculiarly  American  hol- 
iday. It  is  a  most  characteristic  representation  of  our 
ideals.  No  other  country,  I  am  told,  makes  a  like  observ- 
ance. But  in  America  this  high  tribute  is  paid  in  recogni- 
tion of  the  worth  and  dignity  of  the  men  and  women  who 

You  come  here  as  representative  Americans.  You  are  true 
representatives.  I  cannot  think  of  anything  characteristi- 
cally American  that  was  not  produced  by  toil.  I  cannot 
think  of  any  American  man  or  woman  preeminent  in  the 
history  of  our  Nation  who  did  not  reach  their  place  through 
toil.  I  cannot  think  of  anything  that  represents  the  Ameri- 
can people  as  a  whole  so  adequately  as  honest  work.  We 
perform  different  tasks,  but  the  spirit  is  the  same.  We  are 
proud  of  work  and  ashamed  of  idleness.  With  us  there  is 
no  task  which  is  menial,  no  servcie  which  is  degrading.  All 
work  is  ennobling  and  all  workers  are  ennobled. 

To  my  mind  America  has  but  one  main  problem,  the 
character  of  the  men  and  women  it  shall  produce.  It  is  not 
fundamentally  a  Government  problem,  although  the  Gov- 
ernment can  be  of  a  great  influence  in  its  solution.  It  is 
the  real  problem  of  the  people  themselves.  They  control 
its  property,  they  have  determined  its  government,  they 

Address  delivered  to  a  Group  of  Labor  Leaders,  who  called  on  the 
President,  Sept.  1,  1924. 



manage  its  business.  In  all  things  they  are  the  masters  of 
their  own  destiny.  What  they  are,  their  intelligence,  their 
fidelity,  their  courage,  their  faith,  will  determine  our  mate- 
rial prosperity,  our  successes  and  happiness  at  home,  and 
our  place  in  the  world  abroad. 

If  anything  is  to  be  done  then,  by  the  Government,  for 
the  people  who  toil,  for  the  cause  of  labor,  which  is  the  sum 
of  all  other  causes,  it  will  be  by  continuing  its  efforts  to  pro- 
vide healthful  surroundings,  education,  reasonable  condi- 
tions of  employment,  fair  wages  for  fair  work,  stable  busi- 
ness prosperity,  and  the  encouragement  of  religious  wor- 
ship. This  is  the  general  American  policy  which  is  work- 
ing out  with  a  success  more  complete  for  humanity,  with 
its  finite  limitations,  than  was  ever  accomplished  anywhere 
else  in  the  world.  The  door  of  opportunity  swings  wide 
open  in  our  country.  Through  it,  in  constant  flow,  go  those 
who  toil.  America  recognizes  no  aristocracy  save  those  who 
work.  The  badge  of  service  is  the  sole  requirement  for 
admission  to  the  ranks  of  our  nobility. 

These  American  policies  should  be  continued.  We  have 
outlawed  all  artificial  privilege.  We  have  had  our  revolu- 
tion and  our  reforms.  I  do  not  favor  a  corporation  gov- 
ernment, a  bank  government,  a  farm  government  or  a  labor 
government.  I  am  for  a  common-sense  government  by  all 
the  people  according  to  the  American  policy  and  under  the 
American  Constitution.  I  want  all  the  people  to  continue 
to  be  partakers  in  self  government.  We  never  had  a  gov- 
ernment under  our  Constitution  that  was  not  put  into  office 
by  the  votes  of  the  toilers. 

It  is  only  necessary  to  look  about  you  to  observe  the 
practical  effect  of  this  policy.  It  is  somewhat  difficult  to 
find  men  in  important  Government  positions  who  did  not 
in  their  beginnings  live  by  the  work  of  their  hands.  Of 
those  who  sit  at  the  Cabinet  table  of  the  Nation  none  were 
born  to  the  purple,  save  only  as  they  were  born  to  become 


American  citizens,  and  nearly  all  in  early  life  earned  their 
living  by  actual  manual  labor.  The  Secretary  of  Labor 
comes  from  union  labor  ranks.  In  each  important  national 
conference  in  which  labor  is  interested,  labor  has  been  rep- 
resented. On  several  occasions  under  this  administration 
that  has  been  the  practice.  It  was  so  at  the  Conference 
on  Unemployment,  on  Transportation,  on  Agriculture,  on 
the  Business  Cycle,  on  Intermittent  Employment  in 
Construction  Industries,  and  on  the  great  Washington 
Conference  for  the  Limitation  of  Armaments.  The 
same  policy  prevails  in  the  membership  of  many  of  our 
important  commissions.  The  Chairman  of  the  United 
States  Sh '-oping  Board,  one  of  the  most  important  places 
of  business  administration  in  the  Government,  is  filled  by 
a  man  who  was  prominent  in  organized  labor.  The  St. 
Lawrence  River,  the  Interstate  Commerce,  and  the  United 
States  Employees'  Compensation  Commissions,  the  Voca- 
tional Education  and  the  Railway  Labor  Boards,  are  ex- 
amples of  this  policy  and  are  results  of  the  open  door  of 
opportunity.  Those  who  have  been  identified  with  toil  are 
now,  and  will  continue  to  be,  in  important  places  of  govern- 
ment authority.  The  wage  earners  of  America  have  been 
mixing  their  work  with  brains  ever  since  the  day  of  George 

But  the  Government  of  the  United  States  is  not  for  the 
gratification  of  the  people  who  happen  to  hold  office.  It 
is  established  to  promote  the  general  welfare  of  all  the 
people.  That  is  the  American  ideal.  No  matter  how  many 
officeholders  there  may  be,  or  what  their  origin,  our  institu- 
tions are  a  failure  unless  they  serve  all  the  citizens  in  their 
own  homes.  It  is  always  necessary  to  find  out  what  effect 
the  institutions  of  Government  and  society  have  on  the 
wage  earner,  in  order  to  judge  of  the  desirability  of  their 

One  of  the  outstanding  features  of  the  present  day  is 


that  American  wage  earners  are  living  better  than  at  any 
other  time  in  our  history.  They  have  not  only  retained, 
but  actually  increased,  the  gains  they  made  during  the  war. 
The  cost  of  living  has  been  high,  but  the  increase  in  wages 
has  been  greater.  Compilations  of  the  Department  of  La- 
bor demonstrate  that  the  wages  of  an  hour,  or  a  day, 
buy  more  now  than  it  ever  did  before.  Not  only  are  the 
American  wage  earners  now  receiving  more  money,  and 
more  of  the  things  that  money  will  buy,  for  their  work,  than 
any  other  wage  earners  in  the  world,  but  more  than  was 
ever  before  received  by  any  community  of  wage  earners. 
We  have  here  in  the  United  States  not  only  the  best  paid 
workers  in  the  world,  but  the  best  paid  workers  that  ever 
lived  in  this  world. 

All  this  has  been  accomplished  in  spite  of  a  general 
shortening  of  the  hours  of  labor  in  the  industries.  The 
case  of  the  iron  and  steel,  and  the  box  board  industry,  are 
particularly  notable  in  this  regard.  As  a  direct  result  of 
President  Harding's  initiative  the  iron  and  steel  manufac- 
turers were  brought  together,  and  an  agreement  was 
reached  under  which  the  12-hour  day  and  the  7-day  week 
have  been  eliminated.  Secretary  Davis  did  the  same  for 
the  box  board  workers. 

Yet  this  has  been  done  without  any  loss  in  wages.  On 
the  other  hand,  there  has  been  actual  gain.  The  Depart- 
ment of  Labor  statistics  show  that  in  1924  the  customary 
working  time  per  week  in  blast  furnaces  has  been  reduced 
to  75  per  cent  of  the  customary  working  time  per  week 
in  1913.  But  earnings  per  hour  in  1924  are  more  than  two 
and  one-half  times  the  earnings  per  hour  in  1913.  Despite 
the  great  reduction  in  hours,  weekly  earnings  in  this  indus- 
try stand  90%  above  weekly  earnings  of  1913. 

In  the  open-hearth  furnace  department  of  the  iron  and 
steel  industry,  working  hours  are  now  only  74%  of  the  work- 
ing hours  of  1913.  But  earnings  per  hour  are  more  than  two 


and  two-thirds  times  the  earnings  per  hour  of  1913.  Earn- 
ings per  week  are  99%  above  the  weekly  earnings  of  1913. 
All  other  departments  of  the  iron  and  steel  industry  have 
enjoyed  large  increases  in  earnings  per  hour  and  per  week. 

I  know  that  figures  are  sometimes  tiresome.  But  these 
I  am  quoting  pre  so  eloquent  that  I  am  sure  you  will  par- 
don other  illustrations.  In  the  shoe  industry  regular  work- 
ing hours  are  now  11%  lower  than  in  1913,  hourly  wages 
are  two  and  one-seventh  times  those  of  1913,  and  full-time 
weekly  earnings  are  92%  above  those  of  1913. 

In  cotton  manufacturing  hourly  earnings  are  more  than 
two  and  one-half  times  those  of  1913.  Working  hours  have 
been  reduced  8%,  and  wages  by  the  week  are  almost  two 
and  one-third  times  what  they  were  in  1913. 

The  figures  I  have  quoted  apply  to  workers  in  these  in- 
dustries, regardless  of  whether  they  are  organized  or  un- 
organized. A  study  of  wages  in  organized  trades  shows 
that  in  1923  the  average  wage  per  hour  was  two  and  one- 
ninth  times  that  in  1913,  and  two  and  one-third  times  that 
of  1907.  Taking  the  entire  body  of  union  men,  working 
hours  have  been  reduced  6%  as  against  1913  and  8%  as 
against  1907.  But  their  weekly  pay  in  1923  was  99% 
higher  than  in  19 13,  and  two  and  one-sixth  times  as  high 
as  in  1907.  And  let  it  be  added,  the  figures  show  that  aver- 
age wages  of  organized  workers  in  1924,  are  higher  than  in 

But  increased  wages,  in  terms  of  money,  mean  little  if 
they  are  entirely  absorbed  by  higher  prices  of  the  neces- 
saries of  life.  In  order  to  know  whether  an  increase  in  the 
money  wage  is  also  an  increase  in  the  real  wage,  we  must 
know  how  much  the  prices  have  advanced.  On  that  point, 
I  find  that  the  cost  of  living  of  the  average  family  for  the 
same  standard  of  living  has  been  falling  since  the  high 
point  was  reached  in  1920,  and  is  now,  in  terms  of  money, 
only  69%  above  the  level  of  1913.    That  is,  the  increase  in 


wages  has  far  outrun  the  advance  in  the  cost  of  living. 
Real  wages,  as  determined  by  the  things  that  money  wages 
will  buy,  are  higher  today  than  ever  before  in  our  history. 

A  moment  ago  I  said  that  the  American  workman  is  now 
not  only  better  paid  than  he  was  ever  before,  but  better 
paid  than  any  other  workman  in  the  world's  history.  I 
want  to  give  one  or  two  illustrations  to  show  his  advantage 
over  wage  earners  of  other  countries.  Some  very  recent 
figures  have  made  it  possible  to  compare  British  and  Ameri- 
can earnings.  They  show  that  the  average  British  cotton 
mill  worker  earned  $7.85  per  week  in  June  this  year,  while 
the  average  American  cotton  mill  worker  earned  $14.95. 
The  British  woolen  mill  operative  earned  $9.56  per  week; 
the  American  $26.21.  The  British  potter  earned  $8.34, 
compared  to  the  American  potter's  $26.70. 

But  once  more,  we  must  inquire  about  the  comparative 
buying  power  of  money  in  the  two  countries  before  we  can 
be  assured  that  the  actual  earnings  of  the  Americans  are 
higher  than  those  of  the  British  wage  earner.  It  happens 
that  the  British  Government  has  made  a  study  of  wages 
and  living  costs  in  the  principal  cities  of  several  countries, 
as  of  1923.  It  was  found  that  a  bricklayer  in  Madrid  re- 
ceives a  wage  which  buys  only  50%  as  much  as  the  London 
bricklayer  can  buy  with  his  wage.  The  Vienna  bricklayer 
has  a  wage  whose  purchasing  power  is  57%  of  that  of  the 
London  bricklayer.  The  Berlin  bricklayer's  wage  has  61% 
of  the  buying  power  of  the  London  bricklayer;  while  the 
Paris  bricklayer's  wage  will  purchase  71%  as  much  as  will 
the  wage  of  the  London  bricklayer. 

These  figures  show  that  the  British  working  man  is  easily 
the  aristocrat  of  all  Europe.  He  earns  much  higher  wages, 
measured  in  buying  power,  than  any  working  man  on  the 
continent.  And  yet,  this  same  British  authority  shows  that 
the  New  York  bricklayer  earns  a  wage  whose  effective  buy- 


ing  power  is  two  and  three-fourths  times  that  of  the  Lon- 
don bricklayer. 

In  other  trades  and  occupations  the  comparisons  lead  to 
similar  conclusions.  Wherever  you  turn,  the  statistics  of 
wages  and  living  costs  show  that  the  American  wage  earner 
enjoys  a  buying  power  enormously  greater  than  that  of 
any  other  wage  earner  in  the  world. 

We  do  not  need  to  import  any  foreign  economic  ideas  or 
any  foreign  government.  We  had  better  stick  to  the  Ameri- 
can brand  of  government,  the  American  brand  of  equality, 
and  the  American  brand  of  wages.  America  had  better  stay 

These  are  some  of  the  material  results  of  present  Ameri- 
can policies.  We  have  enacted  many  laws  to  protect  the 
health  of  those  who  are  employed  in  the  industries.  Espe- 
cial efforts  have  been  made  in  this  direction  in  behalf  of 
women  and  children.  We  are  attempting  at  the  present 
time  to  secure  a  constitutional  amendment  giving  Congress 
jurisdiction  over  child  labor.  The  efforts  of  the  states  and 
Nation  to  provide  and  encourage  education  have  been  such 
that  it  is  fair  to  claim  that  any  youth,  no  matter  how 
humble  his  circumstances,  can  unaided  secure  a  college 
education  by  the  exercise  of  his  own  efforts.  We  have 
achieved  an  equality  of  opportunity  which  has  opened 
up  the  avenues  of  a  more  abundant  life  to  all  the  people. 

There  are  two  sides  to  every  bargain.  It  is  not  only 
human  nature,  but  necessary  to  progress,  that  each  side 
should  desire  to  secure  a  good  trade.  This  is  the  case  in 
contracts  for  employment.  In  order  to  give  wage  earners 
reasonable  advantages,  their  right  has  been  established 
to  organize,  to  bargain  collectively,  and  to  negotiate 
through  their  own  chosen  agents.  The  principle  also  of 
voluntary  arbitration  has  come  to  exist  almost  as  a  right. 
Compulsory  arbitration  has  sometimes  been  proposed,  but 
to  my  mind  it  cannot  be  reconciled  with  the  right  of  in- 


dividual  freedom.  Along  with  the  right  to  organize  goes 
the  right  to  strike,  which  is  recognized  in  all  private  em- 
ployment. The  establishment  of  all  these  principles  has  no 
doubt  been  productive  of  industrial  peace,  which  we  are 
at  the  present  time  enjoying  to  a  most  unusual  degree. 
This  has  been  brought  about  by  the  general  recognition 
that  on  the  whole  labor  leaders  are  square,  and  on  the  whole 
employers  intend  to  be  fair.  When  this  is  the  case,  mutual 
conference  is  the  best  method  of  adjusting  differences  in 
private  industry.  Of  course  employment  affecting  public 
safety  or  public  necessity  is  not  private  employment,  and 
requires  somewhat  different  treatment.  In  this  field  we 
have  been  making  an  interesting  experiment  in  relation  to 
railroad  labor.  This  has  no  doubt  been  a  step  in  advance. 
It  could  probably  be  modified,  through  mutual  agreement, 
to  the  benefit  of  all  concerned. 

Soon  after  the  close  of  the  war  the  policy  of  deflation 
was  adopted,  which  no  doubt  some  though  might  be  used 
to  secure  a  reduction  in  wages  and  the  dissolution  of  labor 
organizations.  This  administration  refused  to  lend  itself 
to  any  such  program,  and  at  once  adopted  a  policy,  which 
it  has  steadily  pursued,  of  helpfulness  to  business,  industry 
and  labor.  The  Federal  Reserve  System  has  constantly  re- 
duced discount  rates,  business  has  revived,  and  the  millions 
who  were  without  employment  have  found  plenty  of  work 
at  an  increasing  rate  of  wages.  It  is  my  belief  that  this 
policy  represents  one  of  the  most  important  and  helpful 
services  on  the  part  of  the  United  States  Government  which 
was  ever  performed  for  the  benefit  of  the 'wage  earners  of 
this  Nation.  When  almost  everything  else  went  crashing 
down,  a  change  of  front  took  place  in  time  to  save  them 
from  almost  certain  destruction. 

As  a  result  of  all  these  fortunate  circumstances,  organ- 
ized labor  is  fast  becoming  one  of  the  powers  of  capital  in 
this  country.    Its  cooperative  enterprises  and  its  entrance 


into  the  field  of  banking  and  investment  have  given  it  not 
only  a  new  power  of  influence,  but  a  new  point  of  view. 
It  is  learning  the  problems  of  enterprise  and  management 
by  actual  experience.  This  again  is  the  working  out  of  the 
American  ideal  in  industry.  It  is  the  beginning  of  a  more 
complete  economic  equality  among  all  the  people.  I  be- 
lieve it  to  be  the  beginning  of  an  era  of  better  understand- 
ing, more  sympathy,  and  more  fellowship,  among  those  who 
serve  the  common  welfare  through  investment  and  man- 
agement, and  those  who  serve  as  wage  earners.  We  have 
yet  a  long  way  to  go,  but  progress  has  begun  and  the  way 
lies  open  to  a  more  complete  understanding  that  will  mark 
the  end  of  industrial  strife. 

It  is  my  policy  to  continue  these  conditions  in  so  far  as 
it  is  possible  and  to  continue  this  march  of  progress.  There 
are  two  important  domestic  factors  in  this  situation.  One 
is  restrictive  immigration.  This  has  been  adopted  by  this 
administration  chiefly  for  the  purpose  of  maintaining 
American  standards.  It  undoubtedly  has  a  very  great  eco- 
nomic effect.  We  want  the  people  who  live  in  America,  no 
matter  what  their  origin,  to  be  able  to  continue  in  the 
enjoyment  of  their  present  unprecedented  advantages. 
This  opportunity  would  certainly  be  destroyed  by  the  tre- 
mendous influx  of  foreign  peoples,  if  immigration  were  not 
restricted.  Unemployment  would  become  a  menace,  and 
there  would  follow  an  almost  certain  reduction  of  wages, 
with  all  the  attendant  distress  and  despair  which  is  now 
suffered  in  so  many  parts  of  Europe.  Our  first  duty  is  to 
our  own  people.  The  second  important  factor  is  that  of  a 
tariff  for  protection.  I  have  already  given  you  some  ex- 
amples of  the  wages  paid  in  Europe.  Such  a  scale  means 
that  goods  can  be  produced  much  cheaper  there  than  they 
can  here.  If  our  policy  of  protection  is  to  be  abandoned, 
the  goods  which  are  now  made  by  the  wage  earners  of 
America  will  be  made  by  the  wage  earners  of  Europe. 


Our  own  people  will  be  out  of  employment.  Our  entire 
business  system  will  be  thrown  into  confusion  with  the 
want  and  misery  which  always  accompany  the  hard  times 
of  attempted  economic  readjustment.  Under  free  trade 
the  only  way  we  could  meet  European  competition  would 
be  by  approaching  the  European  standard  of  wages.  I 
want  to  see  the  American  standard  of  living  maintained. 
We  shall  not  be  misled  by  any  appeal  for  cheap  goods,  if 
we  remember  that  this  was  completely  answered  by  Presi- 
dent McKinley  when  he  stated  that  cheap  goods  make 
cheap  men.  By  restrictive  immigration,  by  adequate  pro- 
tection, I  want  to  prevent  America  from  producing  cheap 

To  these  must  be  added  economy  of  expenditure  by, 
the  local  and  national  governments.  There  are  about  24,- 
000,000  heads  of  families  in  the  United  States.  It  takes 
5,000,000  of  these  working  at  $5.00  a  day  to  pay  the  present 
cost  of  governments.  This  gives  us  some  idea  of  what  pub- 
lic expense  takes  out  of  the  productive  power  of  the  Nation. 
No  matter  what  anyone  may  say  about  making  the  rich 
and  the  corporations  pay  the  taxes,  in  the  end  they  come 
out  of  the  people  who  toil.  It  is  your  fellow  workers  who 
are  ordered  to  work  for  the  Government,  every  time  an 
appropriation  bill  is  passed.  The  people  pay  the  expense 
of  government,  often  many  times  over,  in  the  increased 
cost  of  living.  I  want  taxes  to  be  less,  that  the  people  may 
have  more. 

I  am  for  peace  and  against  aggressive  war.  I  am  opposed 
to  warlike  preparations.  But  I  am  in  favor  of  an  adequate 
Army  and  Navy  to  insure  our  citizens  against  any  inter- 
ference with  domestic  tranquillity  at  home  or  any  imposi- 
tion abroad.  It  is  only  in  peaceful  conditions  that  there 
is  a  real  hope  of  progress.  I  want  to  have  America  co- 
operate in  securing  speedy  settlement  of  European  differ- 
ences, and  assist  in  financing  a  revival  of  business  which 


would  be  of  world-wide  benefit  to  wage  earners.  I  am  in 
favor  of  continuing  and  extending  the  policy  of  covenants 
between  nations  for  further  disarmament  and  more  exten- 
sive guarantees  of  permanent  peace. 

These  are  some  of  the  policies  which  I  believe  we  should 
support,  in  order  that  our  country  may  not  fail  in  the  char- 
acter of  the  men  and  women  which  it  produces.  I  want  to 
see  our  institutions  more  and  more  humane.  But  I  do 
not  want  to  see  any  of  the  people  cringing  suppliants  a 

for  the  favor  of  the  Government,  when  they  should  all  be 
independent  masters  of  their  own  destiny.  I  want  to  en- 
courage business,  that  it  may  provide  profitable  employ- 
ment. I  want  to  see  jobs  hunting  for  men,  rather  than  men 
hunting  for  jobs.  I  want  the  factory  able  to  consume  at  a 
fair  price  the  products  of  the  farm.  I  want  every  indi- 
vidual, no  matter  how  humble,  to  know  that  over  him  is  the 
protection  of  public  law.  I  want  to  raise  the  economic 
condition  and  increase  the  moral  and  spiritual  well-being  of 
our  country.  The  foundation  for  a  new  era  is  being  steadily 
and  surely  laid.  Whether  we  shall  enter  upon  it,  depends 
upon  the  attitude  of  our  fellow  countrymen.  I  have  an 
abiding  faith  in  the  American  people. 



The  cause  of  freedom  has  been  triumphant. 
We  believe  it  to  be,  likewise,  the  cause  of  peace. 


This  occasion  is  dedicated  to  freedom.  The  people  of 
Baltimore,  and  of  Maryland,  are  gathered  here  in  that 
spirit.  Because  Americans  cherish  that  sentiment  they 
cherish  the  name  of  Lafayette.  On  the  anniversary  of  his 
birth,  we  are  gathered  about  his  statue  in  this  proud  city 
which  we  know  he  loved,  almost  in  the  shadow  of  the 
stately  monument  reared  to  his  great  friend  Washington, 
to  rededicate  ourselves  to  the  inspiring  memory  of  a  true 
son  of  world  freedom. 

This  is  not  only  his  birthday,  but  the  anniversary  of  the 
farewell  reception  extended  to  him  at  the  White  House  by 
President  Adams  during  his  last  visit  to  our  country.  This 
day  not  only  recalls  his  youth  and  his  dashing  figure  in  our 
Revolution,  but  it  reminds  us  of  the  venerable  man,  half 
a  century  later,  held  in  love  and  admiration  by  two  coun- 
tries for  the  sacrifices  he  had  made  in  the  service  of  liberty. 

His  picture  to  me  seems  always  to  have  the  enthusiasm 
and  freshness  of  youth,  moved  with  the  high-minded  and 
patriotic  purpose  of  maturity.  He  displayed  the  same 
ambition  for  faithful  service,  whether  he  was  leading  his 
soldiers  in  the  last  charge  for  American  liberty  at  York- 
town  or  rebuking  the  mob  at  Paris  for  its  proposal  to  make 
him  king.  His  part  in  the  French  Revolution  is  well  known. 
He  served  the  cause  of  ordered  liberty  in  America;  he  was 
unwilling  to  serve  any  other  cause  in  France.  His  admirers 
might  say  of  him  on  the  first  anniversary  of  Bastile  Day, 
"He  is  galloping  through  the  ages/'    But  he  refused  to  be 

Address  delivered  at  the  dedication  of  a  monument  to  Lafayette,  at 
Baltimore,  Md.,  Saturday,  September  6,  1924. 



a  man  on  horseback.  He  knew  that  the  welfare  of  his  coun- 
try lay  in  moderation.  The  people  trusted  him,  but  the 
extremists,  whether  Jacobin  or  Royalist,  feared  him.  He 
urged  the  National  Assembly  to  establish  by  constitutional 
guarantees  what  the  Revolution  had  gained. 

As  Commander  of  the  National  Guard,  again  he  might 
have  made  himself  dictator.  Instead  he  was  pleading  with 
the  Assembly  to  adopt  the  preamble  of  the  American  Con- 
stitution as  the  foundation  of  its  declaration  of  rights. 
When  alien  armies  were  brought  to  France  to  crush  her 
liberties  he  was  put  at  the  head  of  the  Army  of  the  North, 
but  treachery  and  suspicion  overcame  him.  He  was  re- 
tired from  his  command  and  was  seeking  to  leave  the 
country  when  he  was  captured  and  held  for  five  years  in 
imprisonment.  Tradition  has  it  that  he  was  released 
through  the  joint  efforts  of  Washington  and  Napoleon. 

He  had  a  deep  appreciation  of  this  action,  but  always  re- 
fused to  support  the  Napoleonic  regime.  After  Waterloo 
he  insisted  that  Napoleon  must  abdicate  and  that  the 
nation  must  guarantee  his  life  and  liberty.  When  the 
Bourbons  were  restored  he  denounced  usurpations  in  the 
name  of  royalty,  as  he  had  formerly  denounced  usurpa- 
tions in  the  name  of  liberty.  As  a  consequence  he  was 
charged  with  treason.  He  defied  the  Assembly  to  try  him 
on  such  a  charge.  "During  the  whole  of  a  life  devoted  en- 
tirely to  liberty  I  have  constantly  been  attacked  by  the 
enemies  of  that  cause,"  he  declared.  "I  demand  a  public 
inquiry  within  the  walls  of  this  chamber  and  in  the  face 
of  this  nation."  As  his  enemies  dared  riot  meet  the  chal- 
lenge, he  was  acquitted. 

After  a  few  years  of  private  retirement  he  emerged  to 
pay  a  visit  to  this  country,  one  hundred  years  ago.  Con- 
gress bestowed  upon  him  citizenship  and  treasure  and  he 
was  received  everywhere  with  reverence  and  acclaim. 
When  the  Revolution  of  July  occurred  in  1830  he  once  more 


became  Commander  of  the  National  Guard,  where  his  in- 
fluence saved  his  people  from  horrible  excesses.  Again 
there  was  an  effort  to  establish  a  republic  and  make  him 
President.  But  he  thought  a  constitutional  monarchy  best 
adapted  to  the  needs  of  his  nation.  So  he  refused  this 
most  appealing  of  all  honors  and  returned  to  his  country 
home.    His  long  career  was  ended. 

He  represents  a  noble  and  courageous  dedication  to  the 
service  of  freedom.  He  never  sought  for  personal  aggrand- 
izement, but  under  heavy  temptation  remained  loyal  to 
the  great  Cause.  He  possessed  a  character  that  will  abide 
with  us  through  the  generations.  He  loved  his  fellowmen, 
and  believed  in  the  ultimate  triumph  of  self-government. 
But  he  did  not  consider  France  had  reached  a  point  where 
representative  democracy  would  be  a  success.  He  was 
practical.  Like  Washington,  he  refused  a  crown.  But 
while  he  believed  Washington  performed  a  great  service  in 
accepting  the  Presidency  of  America,  he  believed  he  had 
performed  an  equally  great  service  in  rejecting  the  Presi- 
dency of  France.  He  approved  the  establishment  of  our  re- 
publican institutions,  and  hoped  they  would  one  day  be  a 
model  for  the  government  of  his  own  country.  He  recog- 
nized the  value  of  native  institutions.  So,  while  he  was 
loyal  to  freedom,  he  was  likewise  loyal  to  the  Crown.  In 
moderation,  in  the  gradual  evolution  of  government  and 
society,  he  perceived  the  strongest  defense  against  both 
reaction  and  revolution,  and  the  greatest  hope  for  perma- 
nent progress. 

We  have  come  here  today  to  honor  the  memory  of  La- 
fayette, because  long  ago  he  came  to  this  country  as  a 
private  citizen  at  his  own  expense  and  joined  us  in  fighting 
for  the  maintenance  and  extension  of  our  institutions.  It 
was  not  so  much  to  acquire  new  rights,  as  to  maintain  old 
rights,  that  the  men  of  that  day  put  their  fortunes  to  the 
hazard  of  war.    They  were  resisting  usurpations;  they  were 


combating  unlawful  tyrannies.  No  doubt  they  wanted  to 
be  Americans,  but  they  wanted  most  of  all  to  be  free.  They 
believed  in  individual  liberty,  safeguarded  by  constitu- 
tional guarantees.  This  principle  to  them  was  dearer  than 
life  itself.  What  they  fought  to  preserve  and  extend,  we 
ought  to  be  ready  to  fight  to  maintain. 

Very  little  danger  exists  of  an  open  and  avowed  assault 
upon  the  principle  of  individual  freedom.  It  is  more  likely 
to  be  in  peril  indirectly  perhaps  from  the  avowed  intention 
of  protecting  it  or  enlarging  it.  Out  of  a  long  experience 
with  many  tyrannies  abroad  and  a  weak  and  inefficient  gov- 
ernment at  home,  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States 
was  adopted  and  ratified.  The  people  who  largely  contrib- 
uted to  the  early  settlement  of  America  came  to  escape  the 
impositions  of  despotic  kings.  Many  of  the  early  inhabit- 
ants were  separatists  from  the  established  church.  They 
fled  under  the  threat  of  the  English  King,  that  he  would 
make  them  conform  or  harry  them  out  of  the  land.  Their 
descendants  fought  the  Revolutionary  war  in  order  that 
they  might  escape  the  impositions  of  a  despotic  parliament. 

This  lesson  was  firmly  in  the  minds  of  those  who  made 
the  American  Constitution.  They  proposed  to  adopt  insti- 
tutions under  which  the  people  should  be  supreme,  and 
the  government  should  derive  its  just  powers  from  the 
consent  of  the  governed.  They  were  determined  to  be  a 
sovereign  people  under  a  government  having  such  powers  as 
they  from  time  to  time  should  confer  upon  it  by  a  written 
constitution.  They  did  not  propose  to  be  under  the  tyr- 
anny of  either  the  executive  or  the  legislature. 

They  knew,  however,  that  self-government  is  still  gov- 
ernment, and  that  the  authority  of  the  Constitution  and 
the  law  is  still  authority.  They  knew  that  a  government 
without  power  is  a  contradiction  in  terms.  In  order  that 
their  President  and  their  Congress  might  not  surpass  the 
bounds  of  the  authority  granted  to  them,  by  the  Constitu- 


tion  which  the  people  had  made,  and  so  infringe  upon  the 
liberties  of  the  people,  they  established  a  third  independent 
department  of  the  government,  with  the  power  to  interpret 
and  declare  the  Constitution  and  the  law,  the  inferior 
courts  and  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States.  No 
President,  however  powerful,  and  no  majority  of  Congress 
however  large,  can  take  from  an  individual,  no  matter  how 
humble,  that  freedom  and  those  rights  which  are  guaran- 
teed to  him  by  the  Constitution.  The  Supreme  Court  has 
final  authority  to  determine  all  questions  arising  under  the 
Constitution  and  laws  of  the  United  States. 

That  power  and  that  authority  has  to  reside  somewhere 
in  every  government.  Originally  it  lay  with  the  king. 
After  limitations  began  to  be  placed  upon  him,  it  was  con- 
ferred upon  the  parliamentary  body.  One  of  the  great 
contributions  which  America  made  to  the  science  of  govern- 
ment was  the  establishment  of  an  independent  judiciary 
department  under  which  this  authority  resides  in  the  Su- 
preme Court.  That  tribunal  has  been  made  as  independent 
and  impartial  as  human  nature  could  devise.  This  action 
was  taken  with  the  sole  purpose  of  protecting  the  freedom 
of  the  individual,  of  guarding  his  earnings,  his  home,  his 

It  is  frequently  charged  that  this  tribunal  is  tyrannical. 
If  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  be  tyranny;  if  the 
rule  that  no  one  shall  be  convicted  of  a  crime  save  by  a  jury 
of  his  peers;  that  no  orders  of  nobility  shall  be  granted; 
that  slavery  shall  not  be  permitted  to  exist  in  any  state  or 
territory;  that  no  one  shall  be  deprived  of  life,  liberty  or 
property  without  due  process  of  law;  if  these  and  many 
other  provisions  made  by  the  people  be  tyranny,  then  the 
Supreme  Court  when  it  makes  decisions  in  accordance  with 
these  principles  of  our  fundamental  law  is  tyrannical. 
Otherwise  it  is  exercising  the  power  of  government 
for  the  preservation  of  liberty.    The  fact  is  that  the  Con- 


stitution  is  the  source  of  our  freedom.  Maintaining  it, 
interpreting  it,  and  declaring  it,  are  the  only  methods  by 
which  the  Constitution  can  be  preserved  and  our  liberties 

Somewhere  must  be  lodged  the  power  to  declare  the 
Constitution.  If  it  be  taken  away  from  the  Court,  it 
must  go  either  to  the  executive  or  the  legislative  branch 
of  the  Government.  No  one,  so  far  as  I  know,  has  thought 
that  it  should  go  to  the  Executive.  All  those  who  advocate 
changes  propose,  I  believe,  that  it  should  be  transferred 
in  whole  or  in  part  to  the  Congress.  I  have  a  very  high 
regard  for  legislative  assemblies.  We  have  put  a  very 
great  emphasis  upon  representative  government.  It  is  the 
only  method  by  which  due  deliberation  can  be  secured. 
That  is  a  great  safeguard  of  liberty.  But  the  legislature  is 
not  judicial.  Along  with  what  are  admitted  to  be  the 
merits  of  the  question,  also  what  is  supposed  to  be  the 
popular  demand  and  the  greatest  partisan  advantage  weigh 
very  heavily  in  making  legislative  decisions.  It  is  well 
known  that  when  the  House  of  Representatives  sits  as  a 
judicial  body,  to  determine  contested  elections,  it  has  a 
tendency  to  decide  in  a  partisan  way.  It  is  to  be  remem- 
bered also  that  under  recent  political  practice  there  is  a 
strong  tendency  for  legislatures  to  be  very  much  influenced 
by  the  Executive.  Whether  we  like  this  practice  or  not, 
there  is  no  use  denying  that  it  exists.  With  a  dominant 
Executive  and  a  subservient  legislature,  the  opportunity 
would  be  very  inviting  to  aggrandizement -and  very  danger- 
ous to  liberty.     That  way  leads  toward  imperialism. 

Some  people  do  not  seem  to  understand  fully  the  pur- 
pose of  our  constitutional  restraints.  They  are  not  for 
protecting  the  majority,  either  in  or  out  of  the  Congress. 
They  can  protect  themselves  with  their  votes.  We  have 
adopted  a  written  constitution  in  order  that  the  minority, 
even  down  to  the  most  insignificant  individual,  might  have 


their  rights  protected.  So  long  as  our  Constitution  remains 
in  force,  no  majority,  no  matter  how  large,  can  deprive  the 
individual  of  the  right  of  life,  liberty  or  property,  or  pro- 
hibit the  free  exercise  of  religion  or  the  freedom  of  speech 
or  of  the  press.  If  the  authority  now  vested  in  the  Supreme 
Court  were  transferred  to  the  Congress,  any  majority  no 
matter  what  their  motive  could  vote  away  any  of  these 
most  precious  rights.  Majorities  are  notoriously  irresponsi- 
ble. After  irreparable  damage  had  been  done  the  only 
remedy  that  the  people  would  have  would  be  the  privilege 
of  trying  to  defeat  such  a  majority  at  the  next  election. 
Every  minority  body  that  may  be  weak  in  resources  or  un- 
popular in  the  public  estimation,  also  nearly  every  race  and 
religious  belief,  would  find  themselves  practically  without 
protection,  if  the  authority  of  the  Supreme  Court  should 
be  broken  down  and  its  powers  lodged  with  the  Congress. 

The  same  reasoning  that  applies  to  the  individual  person 
applies  to  the  individual  state.  A  very  broad  twilight  zone 
exists  in  which  it  is  difficult  to  distinguish  where  state  right 
ends  and  federal  right  begins.  Deprived  of  the  privilege 
of  its  day  in  court,  each  state  would  be  compelled  to  sub- 
mit to  the  exactions  of  the  Congress  or  resort  to  resistance 
by  force.  On  the  other  hand,  the  legislatures  of  states,  and 
sometimes  the  people,  through  the  initiative  and  referen- 
dum, may  pass  laws  which  are  very  injurious  to  the  mi- 
nority residents  of  that  state,  by  attempting  to  take  away 
the  privilege  which  they  hold  under  the  Federal  Constitu- 
tion. Except  for  the  courts,  such  a  minority  would  have 
no  remedy  for  wrong  done  them.  Their  ultimate  refuge  is 
the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States. 

At  a  time  when  all  the  world  is  seeking  for  the  adjudi- 
cation of  differences  between  nations,  not  by  war,  but  by 
reason,  the  suggestion  that  we  should  limit  the  jurisdiction 
of  our  domestic  courts  is  reactionary  in  the  highest  degree. 
It  would  cast  aside  the  progress  of  generations  to  begin 


again  the  contest  for  supremacy  between  executive  and  leg- 
islature. Whichever  side  has  won  in  that  struggle,  the 
people  have  always  lost. 

Our  Constitution  has  raised  certain  barriers  against  too 
hasty  change.  I  believe  such  provision  is  wise.  I  doubt  if 
there  has  been  any  change  that  has  ever  really  been  de- 
sired by  the  people  which  they  have  not  been  able  to  secure. 
Stability  of  government  is  a  very  important  asset.  If 
amendment  be  made  easy,  both  revolution  and  reaction,  as 
well  as  orderly  progress,  also  become  easy.  The  nation  has 
lost  little,  but  has  gained  much,  through  the  necessity  of 
due  deliberation.  The  pressing  need  of  the  present  day  is 
not  to  change  our  constitutional  rights,  but  to  observe  our 
constitutional  rights. 

A  deliberate  and  determined  effort  is  being  made  to 
break  down  the  guarantees  of  our  fundamental  law.  It 
has  for  its  purpose  the  confiscation  of  property  and  the 
destruction  of  liberty.  At  the  present  time  the  chief  ob- 
stacle to  this  effort  is  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United 
States.  In  this  contest  there  is  but  one  place  for  a  real 
American  to  stand.  That  is  on  the  side  of  ordered  liberty 
under  constitutional  government.  This  is  not  the  struggle 
of  the  rich  and  powerful.  They  will  be  able  to  survive.  It 
is  the  struggle  of  the  common  run  of  people.  Unless  we 
can  maintain  our  institutions  of  liberty  unimpaired  they 
will  see  their  savings  swept  away,  their  homes  devastated, 
and  their  children  perish  from  want  and  hunger. 

The  time  to  stop  those  who  would  loosen  and  weaken 
the  fabric  of  our  government  is  before  they  begin.  The 
time  for  Americans  to  range  themselves  firmly,  squarely 
and  uncompromisingly  behind  American  ideals  is  now.  The 
great  body  of  our  people  have  an  abiding  faith  in  their 
own  country.  The  time  has  come  when  they  should  sup- 
plement that  faith  with  action.  The  question  is  whether 
America  will  allow  itself  to  be  degraded  into  a  communistic 


and  socialistic  state,  or  whether  it  will  remain  American. 
Those  who  want  to  continue  to  enjoy  the  high  estate  of 
American  citizenship  will  resist  all  attempts  to  encroach 
upon  their  liberties  by  encroachment  upon  the  power  of  the 

The  Constitution  of  the  United  States  has  for  its  almost 
sole  purpose  the  protection  of  the  freedom  of  the  people. 
We  must  combat  every  attempt  to  break  down  or  to  make 
it  easy,  under  the  pretended  guise  of  legal  procedure,  to 
throw  open  the  way  to  reaction  or  revolution.  To  adopt 
any  other  course  is  to  put  in  jeopardy  the  sacred  right  to 
life,  liberty,  property,  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness. 

Lafayette  was  always  an  interested  student  of  our  affairs. 
Though  he  distrusted  the  effort  to  make  France  a  republic, 
he  believed  greatly  in  our  Republic  and  our  Constitution. 
He  had  fought  to  establish  American  independence,  in  order 
that  these  might  come  into  being.  That  independence  to 
which  he  contributed  has  come  to  be  with  us  a  national 
axiom.  We  have  always  guarded  it  with  the  utmost  jeal- 
ousy. We  have  sought  to  strengthen  it  with  the  Monroe 
Doctrine.  We  have  refrained  from  treaties  of  offensive 
and  defensive  alliance.  We  have  kept  clear  from  political 
entanglements  with  other  countries.  Under  this  wise  and 
sound  policy  America  has  been  a  country  on  the  whole 
dedicated  to  peace,  through  honorable  and  disinterested 
relations  with  the  other  peoples  of  the  earth.  We  have 
always  been  desirous  not  to  participate  in  controversies, 
but  to  compose  them.  What  a  success  this  has  brought  to 
us  at  home,  and  what  a  place  of  respect  and  moral  power 
it  has  gained  for  us  abroad,  is  known  of  all  men. 

To  continue  to  be  independent  we  must  continue  to  be 
whole-hearted  American.  We  must  direct  our  policies  and 
lay  our  course  with  the  sole  consideration  of  serving  our 
own  people.  We  cannot  become  the  partisans  of  one  na- 
tion, or  the  opponents  of  another.     Our  domestic  affairs 


should  be  entirely  free  from  foreign  interference,  whether 
such  attempt  be  made  by  those  who  are  without  or  within 
our  own  territory.  America  is  a  large  country.  It  is  a  tol- 
erant country.  It  has  room  within  its  borders  for  many 
races  and  many  creeds.  But  it  has  no  room  for  those  who 
would  place  the  interests  of  some  other  nation  above  the 
interests  of  our  own  nation. 

To  be  independent  to  my  mind  does  not  mean  to  be  iso- 
lated, to  be  the  priest  or  the  Levite,  but  rather  to  be  the 
good  Samaritan.  There  is  no  real  independence  save  only 
as  we  secure  it  through  the  law  of  service. 

The  course  of  our  country  in  recent  years  has  been  an 
example  of  these  principles.  We  have  avoided  entangle- 
ments by  reserving  to  our  own  decision  when  and  how  we 
should  help.  We  have  not  failed  to  help.  We  have  con- 
tributed hundreds  of  millions  of  dollars  to  foreign  charities. 
We  have  given  freely  of  our  counsel  to  the  settlement  of 
difficulties  in  Latin  America  and  the  adjustment  of  war 
problems  in  Europe.  We  are  still  pursuing  that  course. 
It  has  been  a  practical  course,  and  it  has  secured  practical 
results.  One  of  these  most  important  results  is  found  in 
the  disarmament  treaties,  which  have  saved  our  own  coun- 
try to  date  about  $300,000,000,  and  likewise  relieved  other 
nations.  Another  important  result  has  been  the  adoption  of 
the  Dawes  plan  for  the  settlement  of  reparations.  The 
effect  these  will  have  in  averting  war  and  promoting  peace 
cannot  possibly  be  overestimated.  They  stand  out  as  great 
monuments,  truly  directing  the  course  of  men  along  the 
way  to  more  civilization,  more  enlightenment,  and  more 
righteousness.  They  appear  to  me  properly  to  mark  the 
end  of  the  old  order,  and  the  beginning  of  a  new  era.  We 
hope  they  are  the  end  of  aggressive  war  and  the  beginning 
of  permanent  peace. 

Great  changes  have  come  over  the  world  since  Lafayette 
first  came  here  desirous  of  aiding  the  cause  of  freedom. 


His  efforts  in  behalf  of  an  American  republic  have  been  al- 
together successful.  In  no  other  country  in  the  world  was 
economic  opportunity  for  the  people  ever  so  great  as  it  is 
here.  In  no  other  country  was  it  ever  possible  in  a  like 
degree  to  secure  equality  and  justice  for  all.  Just  as  he 
was  passing  off  the  stage,  the  British  adopted  their  reform 
measures  giving  them  practically  representative  govern- 
ment. His  own  France  has  long  since  been  welcomed  into 
the  family  of  republics.  Many  others  have  taken  a  like 
course.  The  cause  of  freedom  has  been  triumphant.  We 
believe  it  to  be,  likewise,  the  cause  of  peace. 

But  peace  must  have  other  guarantees  than  constitutions 
and  covenants.  Laws  and  treaties  may  help,  but  peace  and 
war  are  attitudes  of  mind.  American  citizens,  with  the 
full  sympathy  of  our  Government,  have  been  attempting 
with  apparent  success  to  restore  stricken  Europe.  We  have 
acted  in  the  name  of  world  peace  and  of  humanity.  Always 
the  obstacles  to  be  encountered  have  been  distrust,  sus- 
picion and  hatred.  The  great  effort  has  been  to  allay  and 
remove  these  sentiments.  I  believe  that  America  can  as- 
sist the  world  in  this  direction  by  her  example.  We  have 
never  forgotten  the  service  done  us  by  Lafayette,  but  we 
have  long  ago  ceased  to  bear  an  enmity  toward  Great 
Britain  by  reason  of  two  wars  that  were  fought  out  be- 
tween us.  We  want  Europe  to  compose  its  difficulties  and 
liquidate  its  hatreds.  Would  it  not  be  well  if  we  set  the 
example  and  liquidated  some  of  our  own?  The  war  is  over. 
The  militarism  of  Central  Europe  which  menaced  the  se- 
curity of  the  world  has  been  overthrown.  In  its  place  have 
sprung  up  peaceful  republics.  Already  we  have  assisted 
in  refinancing  Austria.  We  are  about  to  assist  refinancing 
Germany.  We  believe  that  such  action  will  be  helpful  to 
France,  but  we  can  give  further  and  perhaps  even  more 
valuable  assistance  both  to  ourselves  and  to  Europe  by 
bringing  to  an  end  our  own  hatreds.    The  best  way  for  us 


who  wish  all  our  inhabitants  to  be  single-minded  in  their 
Americanism  is  for  us  to  bestow  upon  each  group  of  our 
inhabitants  that  confidence  and  fellowship  which  is  due 
to  all  Americans.  If  we  want  to  get  the  hyphen  out  of  our 
country,  we  can  best  begin  by  taking  it  out  of  our  own 
minds.  If  we  want  France  paid,  we  can  best  work  towards 
that  end  by  assisting  in  the  restoration  of  the  German 
people,  now  shorn  of  militarism,  to  their  full  place  in  the 
family  of  peaceful  mankind. 

I  want  to  see  America  set  the  example  to  the  world  both 
in  our  domestic  and  foreign  relations  of  magnanimity. 

We  cannot  make  over  the  people  of  Europe.  We  must 
help  them  as  they  are,  if  we  are  to  help  them  at  all.  I 
believe  that  we  should  help,  not  at  the  sacrifice  of  our  in- 
dependence, not  for  the  support  of  imperialism,  but  to  re- 
store to  those  great  peoples  a  peaceful  civilization.  In  that 
course  lies  the  best  guarantee  of  freedom.  In  that  course 
lies  the  greatest  honor  which  we  can  bestow  upon  the  mem- 
ory of  Lafayette. 


Our  conception  of  authority,  of  law  and  liberty, 
of  property  and  service,  ought  not  to  be  that 
they  imply  rules  of  action  for  the  mere  benefit 
of  someone  else,  but  that  they  are  primarily  for 
the  benefit  of  ourselves.  The  Government  sup- 
ports them  in  order  that  the  people  may  enjoy 


Something  in  all  human  beings  makes  them  want  to 
do  the  right  thing.  Not  that  this  desire  always  prevails; 
oftentimes  it  is  overcome  and  they  turn  towards  evil.  But 
some  power  is  constantly  calling  them  back.  Ever  there 
comes  a  resistance  to  wrongdoing.  When  bad  conditions 
begun  to  accumulate,  when  the  forces  of  darkness  become 
prevalent,  always  they  are  ultimately  doomed  to  fail,  as 
the  better  angels  of  human  nature  are  roused  to  resistance. 

Your  great  demonstration  which  marks  this  day  in  the 
City  of  Washington  is  only  representative  of  many  like 
observances  extending  over  our  own  country  and  into  other 
lands,  so  that  it  makes  a  truly  world-wide  appeal.  It  is  a 
manifestation  of  the  good  in  human  nature  which  is  of 
tremendous  significance.  More  than  six  centuries  ago,  when 
in  spite  of  much  learning  and  much  piety  there  was  much 
ignorance,  much  wickedness  and  much  warfare,  when  there 
seemed  to  be  too  little  light  in  the  world,  when  the  condi- 
tion of  the  common  people  appeared  to  be  sunk  in  hope- 
lessness, when  most  of  life  was  rude,  harsh  and  cruel,  when 
the  speech  of  men  was  too  often  profane  and  vulgar,  until 
the  earth  rang  with  the  tumult  of  those  who  took  the  name 
of  the  Lord  in  vain,  the  foundation  of  this  day  was  laid  in 
the  formation  of  the  Holy  Name  Society.  It  had  an  in- 
spired purpose.  It  sought  to  rededicate  the  minds  of  the 
people  to  a  true  conception  of  the  sacredness  of  the  name 
of  the  Supreme  Being.  It  was  an  effort  to  save  all  refer- 
ence to  the  Deity  from  curses  and  blasphemy,  and  restore 

Address  before  the  Holy  Name  Society,  Washington,  D.  C,  September 
21,  1924. 



the  lips  of  men  to  reverence  and  praise.  Out  of  weakness 
there  began  to  be  strength;  out  of  frenzy  there  began  to 
be  self-control;  out  of  confusion  there  began  to  be  order. 
This  demonstration  is  a  manifestation  of  the  wide  extent 
to  which  an  effort  to  do  the  right  thing  will  reach  when  it 
is  once  begun.  It  is  a  purpose  which  makes  a  universal 
appeal,  an  effort  in  which  all  may  unite. 

The  importance  of  the  lesson  which  this  Society  was 
formed  to  teach  would  be  hard  to  overestimate.  Its  main 
purpose  is  to  impress  upon  the  people  the  necessity  for  rev- 
erence. This  is  the  beginning  of  a  proper  conception  of 
ourselves,  of  our  relationship  to  each  other,  and  our  rela- 
tionship to  our  Creator.  Human  nature  cannot  develop 
very  far  without  it.  The  mind  does  not  unfold,  the  crea- 
tive faculty  does  not  mature,  the  spirit  does  not  expand, 
save  under  the  influence  of  reverence.  It  is  the  chief  mo- 
tive of  an  obedience.  It  is  only  by  a  correct  attitude  of 
mind  begun  early  in  youth  and  carried  through  maturity 
that  these  desired  results  are  likely  to  be  secured.  It  is 
along  the  path  of  reverence  and  obedience  that  the  race 
has  reached  the  goal  of  freedom,  of  self-government,  of  a 
higher  morality,  and  a  more  abundant  spiritual  life. 

Out  of  a  desire  that  there  may  be  a  progress  in  these 
directions,  with  all  that  such  progress  means,  this  great 
Society  continues  its  efforts.  It  recognizes  that  whoever 
has  an  evil  tongue  cannot  have  a  pure  mind.  We  read 
that  "out  of  the  abundance  of  the  heart  the  mouth  speak- 
eth."  This  is  a  truth  which  is  worthy  of  much  thought. 
He  who  gives  license  to  his  tongue  only  discloses  the  con- 
tents of  his  own  mind.  By  the  excess  of  his  words  he  pro- 
claims his  lack  of  discipline.  By  his  very  violence  he  shows 
his  weakness.  The  youth  or  man  who  by  disregarding  this 
principle  thinks  he  is  displaying  his  determination  and  reso- 
lution and  emphasizing  his  statements  is  in  reality  only  re- 
vealing an  intellectual  poverty,  a  deficiency  in  self-control 


and  self-respect,  a  want  of  accurate  thinking  and  of  spirit- 
ual insight,  which  cannot  come  save  from  a  reverence  for 
the  truth.  There  are  no  human  actions  which  are  unim- 
portant, none  to  which  we  can  be  indifferent.  All  of  them 
lead  either  towards  destruction  and  death,  or  towards  con- 
struction and  life. 

To  my  mind,  the  great  strength  of  your  Society  lies  in  its 
recognition  of  the  necessity  of  discipline.  We  live  in  an 
impatient  age.  We  demand  results,  and  demand  them  at 
once.  We  find  a  long  and  laborious  process  very  irksome, 
and  are  constantly  seeking  for  a  short  cut.  But  there  is  no 
easy  method  of  securing  discipline.  It  is  axiomatic  that 
there  is  no  royal  road  to  learning.  The  effort  for  discipline 
must  be  intensive,  and  to  a  considerable  degree  it  must  be 
lifelong.  But  it  is  absolutely  necessary,  if  there  is  to  be 
any  self-direction  or  any  self-control.  The  worst  evil  that 
could  be  inflicted  upon  the  youth  of  the  land  would  be  to 
leave  them  without  restraint  and  completely  at  the  mercy 
of  their  own  uncontrolled  inclinations.  Under  such  condi- 
tions education  would  be  impossible,  and  all  orderly  devel- 
opment intellectually  or  morally  would  be  hopeless.  I  do 
not  need  to  picture  the  result.  We  know  too  well  what 
weakness  and  depravity  follow  when  the  ordinary  processes 
of  discipline  are  neglected. 

Yet  the  world  has  never  thoroughly  learned  this  lesson 
It  has  never  been  willing  entirely  to  acknowledge  this 
principle.  One  of  the  greatest  needs  of  the  present  day  is 
the  establishment  and  recognition  of  standards,  and  holding 
ourselves  up  to  their  proper  observance.  This  cannot  be 
done  without  constant  effort  and  it  will  meet  constant  op- 
position. Always  there  have  been  those  who  fail  to  recog- 
nize this  necessity.  Their  opposition  to  it  and  their  philoso- 
phy of  life  were  well  expressed  by  Robert  Burns  in  that 
poem  which  describes  the  carousings  of  a  collection  of  vaga- 
bonds, where  one  of  them  gave  his  views: 


"A  fig  for  those  by  law  protected ! 
Liberty's  a  glorious  feast ! 
Courts  for  cowards  were  erected, 
Churches  built  to  please  the  priest." 

That  character  clearly  saw  no  use  for  discipline,  and  just 
as  clearly  found  his  reward  in  the  life  of  an  outcast.  The 
principles  which  he  proclaimed  could  not  lead  in  any  other 
direction.  Vice  and  misery  were  their  natural  and  inevit- 
able consequences.  He  refused  to  recognize  or  obey  any 
authority,  save  his  own  material  inclinations.  He  never 
rose  above  his  appetites.  Your  Society  stands  as  a  protest 
against  this  attitude  of  mind. 

But  there  are  altogether  too  many  in  the  world  who  con- 
sciously or  unconsciously  do  hold  those  views  and  follow 
that  example.  I  believe  such  a  position  arises  from  a  mis- 
conception of  the  meaning  of  life.  They  seem  to  think 
that  authority  means  some  kind  of  an  attempt  to  force 
action  upon  them  which  is  not  for  their  own  benefit,  but  for 
the  benefit  of  others.  To  me  they  do  not  appear  to  under- 
stand the  nature  of  law,  and  therefore  refuse  obedience. 
They  misinterpret  the  meaning  of  individual  liberty,  and 
therefore  fail  to  attain  it.  They  do  not  recognize  the  right 
of  property,  and  therefore  do  not  come  into  its  possession. 
They  rebel  at  the  idea  of  service,  and  therefore  lack  the 
fellowship  and  cooperation  of  others.  Our  conception  of 
authority,  of  law  and  liberty,  of  property  and  service,  ought 
not  to  be  that  they  imply  rules  of  action  for  the  mere 
benefit  of  someone  else,  but  that  they  are  primarily  for  the 
benefit  of  ourselves.  The  Government  supports  them  in 
order  that  the  people  may  enjoy  them. 

Our  American  government  was  the  result  of  an  effort  to 
establish  institutions  under  which  the  people  as  a  whole 
should  have  the  largest  possible  advantages.  Class  and 
privilege  were  outlawed,  freedom  and  opportunity  were 


guaranteed.  They  undertook  to  provide  conditions  under 
which  service  would  be  adequately  rewarded,  and  where 
the  people  would  own  their  own  property  and  control  their 
own  government.  They  had  no  other  motive.  They  were 
actuated  by  no  other  purpose.  If  we  are  to  maintain  what 
they  established,  it  is  important  to  understand  the  founda- 
tion on  which  they  built,  and  the  claims  by  which  they 
justified  the  sovereign  rights  and  royal  estate  of  every 
American  citizen. 

They  did  not  deny  the  existence  of  authority.  They 
recognized  it  and  undertook  to  abide  by  it,  and  through 
obedience  to  it  secure  their  freedom.  They  made  their 
appeal  and  rested  their  cause  not  merely  upon  earthly 
authority,  but  in  the  very  first  paragraph  of  the  Declara- 
tion of  Independence  asserted  that  they  proposed  "to  as- 
sume, among  the  powers  of  the  earth,  the  separate  and  equal 
station  to  which  the  laws  of  nature  and  of  nature's  God  en- 
title them."  And  as  they  closed  that  noble  document  in 
which  they  submitted  their  claims  to  the  opinions  of  man- 
kind they  again  revealed  what  they  believed  to  be  the  ulti- 
mate source  of  authority  by  stating  that  they  were  also 
"appealing  to  the  Supreme  Judge  of  the  world  for  the  rec- 
titude of"  .  .  .  their  "intentions." 

When  finally  our  Constitution  was  adopted,  it  contained 
specific  provision  that  the  President  and  members  of  the 
Congress  and  of  state  legislatures,  and  all  executive  and 
judicial  officials,  should  be  qualified  for  the  discharge 
of  their  office  by  oath  or  affirmation.  By  the  statute 
law  of  the  United  States,  and  I  doubt  not  by  all 
States,  such  oaths  are  administered  by  a  solemn  appeal 
to  God  for  help  in  the  keeping  of  their  covenants.  I 
scarcely  need  to  refer  to  the  fact  that  the  houses  of  the 
Congress,  and  so  far  as  I  know  the  state  legislatures,  open 
their  daily  sessions  with  prayer.  The  foundation  of  our 
independence  and  our  Government  rests  upon  our  basic 


religious  convictions.  Back  of  the  authority  of  our  laws  is 
the  authority  of  the  Supreme  Judge  of  the  World,  to  whom 
we  still  appeal  for  their  final  justification. 

The  Constitution  and  laws  of  our  country  are  adopted 
and  enacted  through  the  direct  action  of  the  people,  or 
through  their  duly  chosen  representatives.  They  reflect 
the  enlightened  conscience  of  our  country.  They  ought 
always  to  speak  with  the  true  and  conscientious  voice  of 
the  people.  Such  voice  has  from  time  immemorial  had  the 
authority  of  divine  sanction.  In  their  great  fundamentals 
they  do  not  change.  As  new  light  arrives  they  may  be 
altered  in  their  details,  but  they  represent  the  best  that 
we  know  at  any  given  time.  To  support  the  Constitution, 
to  observe  the  laws,  is  to  be  true  to  our  own  higher  nature. 
That  is  the  path,  and  the  only  path,  towards  liberty.  To 
resist  them  and  violate  them  is  to  become  enemies  to  our- 
selves and  instruments  of  our  own  destruction.  That  is  the 
path  towards  servitude.  Obedience  is  not  for  the  protec- 
tion of  someone  else,  but  for  the  protection  of  ourselves. 
It  needs  to  be  remembered  that  it  has  to  be  secured  not 
through  the  action  of  others,  but  through  our  own  actions. 
Liberty  is  not  collective,  it  is  personal.  All  liberty  is  in- 
dividual liberty. 

Coincident  with  the  right  of  individual  liberty  under  the 
provisions  of  our  Government  is  the  right  of  individual 
property.  The  position  which  the  individual  holds  in  the 
conception  of  American  institutions  is  higher  than  that 
ever  before  attained  anywhere  else  on  earth.  It  is  ac- 
knowledged and  proclaimed  that  he  has  sovereign  powers. 
It  is  declared  that  he  is  endowed  with  inalienable  rights 
which  no  majority,  however  great,  and  no  power  of  the 
Government,  however  broad,  can  ever  be  justified  in  vio- 
lating. 'The  principle  of  equality  is  recognized.  It  follows 
inevitably  from  belief  in  the  brotherhood  of  man  through 
the  fatherhood  of  God.    When  once  the  right  of  the  in- 


dividual  to  liberty  and  equality  is  admitted,  there  is  no 
escape  from  the  conclusion  that  he  alone  is  entitled  to  the 
rewards  of  his  own  industry.  Any  other  conclusion  would 
necessarily  imply  either  privilege  or  servitude.  Here  again 
the  right  of  individual  property  is  for  the  protection  of 

When  service  is  performed,  the  individual  performing  it 
is  entitled  to  the  compensation  for  it.  His  creation  becomes 
a  part  of  himself.  It  is  his  property.  To  attempt  to  deal 
with  persons  or  with  property  in  a  communistic  or  social- 
istic way  is  to  deny  what  seems  to  me  to  be  this  plain  fact. 
Liberty  and  equality  require  that  equal  compensation  shall 
be  paid  for  equal  service  to  the  individual  who  performs  it. 
Socialism  and  communism  cannot  be  reconciled  with  the 
principles  which  our  institutions  represent.  They  are  en- 
tirely foreign,  entirely  un-American.  We  stand  wholly 
committed  to  the  policy  that  what  the  individual  produces 
belongs  entirely  to  him  to  be  used  by  him  for  the  benefit 
of  himself,  to  provide  for  his  own  family  and  to  enable  him 
to  serve  his  fellow  men. 

Of  course  we  are  all  aware  that  the  recognition  of  broth- 
erhood brings  in  the  requirement  of  charity.  But  it  is 
only  on  the  basis  of  individual  property  that  there  can  be 
any  charity.  Our  very  conception  of  the  term  means  that 
we  deny  ourselves  of  what  belongs  to  us,  in  order  to  give 
it  to  another.  If  that  which  we  give  is  not  really  our  own, 
but  belongs  to  the  person  to  whom  we  give  it,  such  an  act 
may  rightfully  be  called  justice,  but  it  cannot  be  regarded 
as  charity. 

Our  conceptions  of  liberty  under  the  law  are  not  narrow 
and  cramped,  but  broad  and  tolerant.  Our  Constitution 
guarantees  civil,  political  and  religious  liberty;  fully,  com- 
pletely and  adequately;  and  provides  that  ano  religious 
test  shall  ever  be  required  as  a  qualification  to  any  office 
or  public  trust  under  the  United  States."    This  is  the  es- 


sence  of  freedom  and  toleration  solemnly  declared  in  the 
fundamental  law  of  the  land. 

These  are  some  of  our  American  standards.  These  prin- 
ciples, in  the  province  to  which  they  relate,  bestow  upon 
the  people  all  there  is  to  bestow.  They  recognize  in  the 
people  all  that  there  is  to  recognize.  They  are  the  ulti- 
mates.  There  is  no  beyond.  They  are  solely  for  the  benefit 
and  advantage  of  all  the  people.  If  any  change  is  made 
in  these  principles  it  will  not  be  by  giving  more  to  the 
people,  but  by  taking  from  them  something  of  that  which 
they  now  have.  It  cannot  be  progress.  It  must  be  re- 
action. I  do  not  say  that  we,  as  citizens,  have  always  held 
ourselves  to  a  proper  observance  of  these  standards  towards 
each  other,  but  we  have  nevertheless  established  them  and 
declared  our  duty  to  be  obedience  to  them.  This  is  the 
American  ideal  of  ordered  liberty  under  the  law.  It  calls 
for  rigid  discipline. 

What  a  wide  difference  between  the  American  position 
and  that  imagined  by  the  vagabond  who  thought  of  lib- 
erty as  a  glorious  feast  unprotected  and  unregulated  by 
law.  This  is  not  civilization,  but  a  plain  reversion  to  the 
life  of  the  jungle.  Without  the  protection  of  the  law,  and 
the  imposition  of  its  authority,  equality  cannot  be  main- 
tained, liberty  disappears  and  property  vanishes.  This  is 
anarchy.  The  forces  of  darkness  are  traveling  in  that  di- 
rection. But  the  spirit  of  America  turns  its  face  towards 
the  light. 

That  spirit  I  have  faith  will  prevail.  America  is  not  go- 
ing to  abandon  its  principles  or  desert  its  ideals.  The 
foundation  on  which  they  are  built  will  remain  firm.  I 
believe  that  the  principle  which  your  organization  repre- 
sents is  their  main  support.  It  seems  to  me  perfectly  plain 
that  the  authority  of  law,  the  right  to  equality,  liberty  and 
property,  under  American  institutions,  have  for  their  foun- 
dation reverence  for  God.    If  we  could  imagine  that  to  be 


swept  away,  these  institutions  of  our  American  govern- 
ment could  not  long  survive.  But  that  reverence  will  not 
fail.  It  will  abide.  Unnumbered  organizations  of  which 
your  own  is  one  exist  for  its  promotion.  In  the  inevitable 
longing  of  the  human  soul  to  do  right  is  the  secure  guaran- 
tee of  our  American  institutions.  By  maintaining  a  society 
to  promote  reverence  for  the  Holy  Name  you  are  perform- 
ing both  a  pious  and  a  patriotic  service. 

We  Americans  are  idealists.  We  are  willing  to  follow 
the  truth  solely  because  it  is  the  truth.  We  put  our  main 
emphasis  on  the  things  which  are  spiritual.  While  we  pos- 
sess an  unsurpassed  skill  in  marshalling  and  using  the  ma- 
terial resources  of  the  world,  still  the  nation  has  not  sought 
for  wealth  and  power  as  an  end  but  as  a  means  to  a  higher 

Yet  Americans  are  not  visionary,  they  are  not  senti- 
mentalists. They  want  idealism,  but  they  want  it  to  be 
practical,  they  want  it  to  produce  results.  It  would  be  little 
use  to  try  to  convince  them  of  the  soundness  and  righteous- 
ness of  their  institutions,  if  they  could  not  see  that  they 
have  been  justified  in  the  past  history  and  the  present  con- 
dition of  the  people.  They  estimate  the  correctness  of  the 
principle  by  the  success  which  they  find  in  their  own  ex- 
perience.   They  have  faith  but  they  want  works. 

The  fame  of  the  advantages  which  accrue  to  the  inhabit- 
ants of  our  country  has  spread  throughout  the  world.  If 
we  doubt  the  high  estimation  in  which  these  opportunities 
are  held  by  other  peoples,  it  is  only  necessary  to  remember 
that  they  sought  them  in  such  numbers  as  to  require  our 
own  protection  by  restrictive  immigration.  I  am  aware 
that  our  country  and  its  institutions  are  often  the  subject 
of  censure.  I  grieve  to  see  them  misrepresented  for  selfish 
and  destructive  aims.  But  I  welcome  candid  criticism, 
which  is  moved  by  a  purpose  to  promote  the  public  welfare. 
But  while  we  should  always  strive  for  improvement  by  liv- 


ing  in  more  complete  harmony  with  out  ideals,  we  should 
not  permit  incidental  failure  or  unwarranted  blame  to 
obscure  the  fact  that  the  people  of  our  country  have  secured 
the  greatest  success  that  was  ever  before  experienced  in 
human  history. 

The  evidence  of  this  is  all  about  us,  in  our  wealth,  our 
educational  facilities,  our  charities,  our  religious  institu- 
tions, and  in  the  moral  influence  which  we  exert  on  the 
world.  Most  of  all,  it  is  apparent  in  the  unexampled 
place  which  is  held  by  the  people  who  toil.  Our  inhabitants 
are  especially  free  to  promote  their  own  welfare.  They  are 
unburdened  by  militarism.  They  are  not  called  upon  to 
support  any  imperialistic  designs.  Every  mother  can  rest 
in  the  assurance  that  her  children  will  find  here  a  land  of 
devotion,  prosperity  and  peace.  The  tall  shaft  near  which 
we  are  gathered  and  yonder  stately  memorial  remind  us 
that  our  standards  of  manhood  are  revealed  in  the  adora- 
tion which  we  pay  to  Washington  and  Lincoln.  They  are 
unrivaled  and  unsurpassed.  Above  all  else,  they  are  Amer- 
icans. The  institutions  of  our  country  stand  justified 
both  in  reason  and  in  experience.  I  am  aware  that  they 
will  continue  to  be  assailed.  But  I  know  they  will  con- 
tinue to  stand.  We  may  perish,  but  they  will  endure. 
They  are  founded  on  the  Rock  of  Ages. 


The  governments  of  the  past  could  fairly  be 
characterized  as  devices  for  maintaining  in 
perpetuity  the  place  and  position  of  certain 
privileged  classes,  without  any  ultimate  pro- 
tection for  the  rights  of  the  people.  The  Gov-  j; 
ernment  of  the  United  States  is  a  device  for 
maintaining  in  perpetuity  the  rights  of  the  peo- 
ple, with  the  ultimate  extinction  of  all  privi-                             .. 





No  American  coming  to  Philadelphia  on  this  anniversary 
could  escape  being  thrilled  at  the  thought  of  what  this 
commemoration  means.  It  brings  to  mind  events,  which 
in  the  course  of  the  century  and  a  half  that  has  passed 
since  the  day  we  are  celebrating,  have  changed  the  course 
of  human  history.  Then  was  formed  the  ideal  of  the 
American  nation.  Two  years  later  this  was  put  into  prac- 
tical effect  by  the  Declaration  of  Independence.  Here  too 
was  prepared  and  adopted  the  Federal  Constitution,  guar- 
anteeing unity  and  perpetuation  of  our  national  life.  The 
place  of  this  imperial  city  in  history  is  secure. 

Your  heritage  has  that  mysterious  quality  by  which  it 
has  enriched  not  only  your  own  citizens,  but  the  people  of 
the  earth.  Wherever  we  find  a  nation  which  has  gained 
its  liberty,  which  has  shaken  itself  free  from  despotism 
and  established  a  republic,  there  reigns  the  influence  with 
which  the  exalted  record  of  your  achievements  has  directed 
the  destiny  of  the  world. 

We  cannot  do  justice  to  the  memory  of  the  men  and  work 
of  the  first  Continental  Congress  without  recalling  events 
which  preceded  it  and  recognizing  the  consequences  which 
followed  it.  The  first  important  act  of  cooperation  among 
the  Colonies  had  resulted  from  their  need  for  common 
defense  in  the  French  and  Indian  War  two  decades  earlier. 
Even  prior  to  that  various  royal  Governors  had  proposed 
some  union  of  the  Colonies  under  a  viceroy.  But  this 
meant  a  weakening  of  the  local  and  popular  assemblies  and 

At  Philadelphia,  Sept.  25th,  1924,  on  the  anniversary  of  the  first  Conti- 
nental Congress. 



a  broader  and  more  effective  control  by  the  Crown.  Such 
proposals  were  resisted  by  the  inhabitants,  who  were  ex- 
tremely jealous  of  their  liberties.  As  far  back  as  1754  a 
colonial  conference  was  held  at  Albany  on  the  initiation  of 
the  Governors.  Only  a  minority,  however,  attended.  At 
that  time  Benjamin  Franklin,  with  a  prophetic  vision, 
proposed  a  plan  of  union  which  bore  a  remarkable  resem- 
blance to  our  present  Constitution.  But  the  people  feared 
this  would  destroy  their  local  government,  leaving  them  at 
the  mercy  of  a  distant  Parliament,  while  the  English  au- 
thorities feared  that  by  revealing  to  the  Colonies  an  ac- 
curate knowledge  of  their  own  power  it  would  inspire  am- 
bitions for  independence.  So  the  plan  of  Franklin  at  that 
time  found  no  support  on  either  side  of  the  Atlantic. 

But  the  idea  grew.  When  the  English  Government  en- 
tered upon  a  course  which  threatened  the  liberties  of  the 
Colonies  by  passing  the  Stamp  Act  and  the  Boston  Port 
Act,  by  interfering  with  the  local  Assemblies,  by  suspend- 
ing the  writ  of  habeas  corpus,  by  maintaining  a  standing 
army  quartered  on  the  people,  by  denying  to  the  inhabi- 
tants the  right  of  trial  by  a  jury  of  the  vicinage,  by  under- 
taking to  make  judicial  officers  the  creatures  of  the  Crown, 
and  other  unwarranted  tyrannies,  the  first  Continental 
Congress  was  assembled  to  register  a  solemn  protest  against 
these  illegal  exactions. 

They  came  with  various  credentials  from  local  Assem- 
blies and  voluntary  conventions,  scarcely  representing  the 
people  in  a  legal  way  but  reflecting  their  spirit  in  the  de- 
termination to  defend  their  liberties.  It  was  no  ordinary 
gathering.  Among  them  were  Jay  and  Livingston,  Gallo- 
way and  Mifflin,  Biddle  and  Chase,  Harrison,  Lee,  Ran- 
dolph, the  Rutledges,  the  Adamses,  and  finally,  George 
Washington.  They  were  men  of  faith.  They  believed  in 
their  cause.  They  trusted  the  people.  They  doubted  not 
that  a  Higher  Power  would  support  them  in  their  effort  for 


right  and  freedom.  Judged  by  the  character  of  the  state 
papers  which  they  produced,  and  by  their  later  careers  in 
the  field  or  at  the  council  table,  after  150  years  they  still 
rank  as  a  most  remarkable  gathering  of  men.  Their  de- 
liberations and  actions  are  worthy  of  the  most  careful  study 
by  the  American  people.  If  we  could  better  understand 
what  they  said  and  did  to  establish  our  free  institutions,  we 
should  be  less  likely  to  be  misled  by  the  misrepresentations 
and  distorted  arguments  of  the  hour,  and  be  far  better 
equipped  to  maintain  them. 

The  Colonists  claimed  certain  rights  of  self-government. 
They  were  determined  to  maintain  that  principle.  The 
burdens  which  resulted  from  the  pretentions  of  King 
George  and  his  ministers,  and  the  exactions  of  Parliament, 
were  not  of  great  consequence  and  could  be  borne,  but 
the  principle  which  the  people  declared  was  of  supreme 
importance.  To  acquiesce  even  in  minor  violations  was  to 
admit  that  a  course  of  action  might  be  taken  which  would 
deprive  them  of  the  chartered  rights  of  Englishmen  and 
reduce  them  to  mere  subjects.  But  in  their  resistance  they 
resorted  neither  to  threats  nor  extreme  measures,  but  pur- 
sued the  dignified,  stronger  and  unanswerable  course  of 
moderation.  The  Congress  prepared  a  petition  to  the  King, 
an  address  to  the  people  of  the  Colonies,  an  address  to  the 
people  of  England,  and  an  address  to  the  people  of  Quebec. 
While  they  protested  vigorously  against  their  grievances, 
they  protested  also  a  loyalty  to  the  Crown  and  a  pride  in 
the  Empire.  They  declared  they  were  supporting  the  com- 
mon cause  of  liberty,  both  of  the  Colonies  and  England 

"May  not  a  ministry  with  the  same  armies  enslave  you?" 
they  asked  the  English  people.  "Do  not  treat  this  as  chim- 
erical. Know  that  in  less  than  half  a  century,  the  quit-rents 
reserved  to  the  Crown  from  the  numberless  grants  of  this 
vast  continent,  will  pour  large  streams  of  wealth  into  the 


royal  coffers,  and  if  to  this  be  added  the  power  of  taxing 
America  at  pleasure,  the  Crown  will  be  rendered  independ- 
ent of  you  for  supplies,  and  will  possess  more  treasure  than 
will  be  necessary  to  purchase  the  remains  of  liberty  in  your 
Island.  In  a  word,  take  care  that  you  do  not  fall  into  the 
pit  that  is  preparing  for  us." 

No  wonder  such  a  statement  aroused  the  sympathy  for 
the  Colonial  cause  of  such  broad  and  liberal  statesmen  as 
Pitt  and  Burke. 

But  to  the  Crown  and  to  the  traditions  of  English  liberty 
it  contained  only  expressions  of  loyalty.  The  address  to 
King  George  was  an  explicit  and  unmistakable  document, 
but  it  closed  with  these  words  of  loyal  devotion:  "That 
Your  Majesty  may  enjoy  every  felicity  through  a  long 
and  glorious  reign  over  loyal  and  happy  subjects,  and  that 
your  descendants  may  inherit  your  prosperity  and  domin- 
ions till  time  shall  be  no  more,  is  and  always  will  be  our 
sincere  and  fervent  prayer."  They  indulged  in  no  bluster, 
no  threats,  and  no  departures  from  the  proprieties  of  a  peti- 
tion to  the  throne.  But  they  had  no  hesitation  about  mak- 
ing a  plain  statement  of  the  truth,  because  they  politely 
observed,  "as  Your  Majesty  enjoys  the  signal  distinction  of 
reigning  over  freemen,  we  apprehend  the  language  of  free- 
men cannot  be  displeasing." 

But  the  Congress  did  not  confine  itself  to  addresses  and 
petitions.  It  wished  not  only  to  win  the  approbation  of 
the  opinion  of  the  world,  but  to  prove  its  right  to  speak  for 
the  Colonies.  It  was  necessary  to  show  that  they  were 
capable  of  a  united  action,  both  powerful  and  effective. 
Therefore,  they  adopted  the  policy  of  non-intercourse 
under  an  agreement  known  as  "The  Association."  By  it 
they  pledged  themselves  not  to  import,  export  or  consume. 
British  products  were  not  to  be  brought  in  after  December 
1,  1774.  The  importation  of  slaves  was  to  cease.  A  few 
months  later  trade  with  the  West  Indies  was  to  be  sus- 


pended.  Exports  to  Great  Britain  and  Ireland  were  pro- 
hibited. Merchants  refusing  to  adopt  these  boycott  agree- 
ments were  to  feel  the  boycott  of  the  people.  The  produc- 
tion and  manufacture  of  wool  was  to  be  encouraged.  Local 
committees  were  to  enforce  these  proposals  by  the  power 
of  public  opinion.  The  Association  enjoined  frugality  thus: 
"We  will  .  .  .  discountenance  and  discourage  every  species 
of  extravagance  and  dissipation,  especially  all  horse- 
racing,  and  all  kinds  of  gaming,  cock-fighting,  exhibitions 
of  shows,  plays  and  other  expensive  diversions  and  enter- 
tainents.  .  .  ." 

The  non-intercourse  agreement  was  to  continue  until 
Parliament  repealed  the  objectionable  laws.  This  bold 
measure  was  denounced  by  many  in  England  as  treasonable, 
but  it  has  often  been  referred  to  in  this  country  as  the 
beginning  of  the  movement  for  independence.  Where  ap- 
peals and  supplications  had  been  disregarded,  this  could 
not  fail  to  secure  earnest  attention. 

In  the  declarations  of  the  Congress  there  was  no  note 
of  defiance,  but  their  very  moderation  increased  their  in- 
fluence. The  vigor  of  their  argument  and  the  logic  of  their 
legal  position  were  relied  upon  to  defend  their  cause.  While 
there  was  a  growing  feeling  that  conflict  impended,  the 
Congress  carefully  avoided  anything  that  could  be  dis- 
torted into  provocation  for  a  resort  to  arms.  Here  was 
the  great  strength  of  their  position.  Because  of  their  re- 
straint they  secured  the  confidence  of  the  most  influential 
forces  at  home  and  abroad.  They  promoted  union  among 
the  Colonies  while  promoting  dissension  in  England.  They 
compelled  the  sympathy  of  the  great  Whig  leaders,  who 
could  not  support  liberty  in  England  while  denying  it  in 
the  Colonies. 

It  would  be  difficult  to  find  a  better  illustration  of  the 
superiority  of  moderation  and  candor  over  violence  and 
deceit  in  seeking  a  solution  of  difficult  public  questions. 


It  is  easy  to  draw  broad  indictments  or  indulge  in  sweep- 
ing promises.  It  is  no  trouble  to  indulge  in  invective.  But 
denunciation  does  not  provide  a  remedy.  In  moderation 
and  restraint  is  much  more  likely  to  be  found  a  way  to  agree- 
ment upon  constructive  measures.  Appeals  to  violence  and 
hatred  in  the  first  Continental  Congress  might  have  pro- 
duced a  rebellion,  but  they  could  not  have  accomplished 
revolution.  They  might  have  led  to  war,  but  they  could 
not  have  secured  victory. 

Almost  all  our  history  as  an  independent  and  united 
nation  can  be  traced  back  to  the  assembling  of  the  first 
Continental  Congress,  which  we  are  met  to  celebrate.  Our 
achievements  have  been  wrought  by  adherence  to  its  pol- 
icies of  reason  and  restraint,  accompanied  by  firmness  and 
determination.  We  are  not  likely  to  desert  that  course  of 
action  now. 

The  case  which  the  Congress  stated  was  unanswerable. 
One  side  or  the  other  must  either  give  way  or  maintain 
its  position  by  force  of  arms.  That  conflict  for  which  the 
Congress  had  laid  the  logical  foundation  was  not  long  in 
beginning.  Liberty  never  won  a  more  substantial  and  far- 
reaching  victory  than  that  which  resulted  from  our  Revo- 
lutionary War.  It  established  the  American  Nation,  with 
all  that  it  has  since  meant  in  the  accomplishments  of  the 
world  and  all  that  it  holds  of  future  promise.  A  form  of 
government  was  organized  in  harmony  with  what  Franklin 
had  proposed  at  Albany  in  1754.  But  the  Constitution  was 
not  adopted  until  various  experiments  with  unworkable 
systems  showed  some  such  action  necessary.  Whatever 
may  be  the  reputation  of  that  great  instrument  at  home, 
modified  and  adapted  to  local  needs,  it  has  been  adopted 
as  the  fundamental  law  for  republics  in  every  quarter  of 
the  world.  The  influence  of  that  great  document,  framed 
in  Philadelphia  in  1787,  can  be  traced  in  every  constitu- 
tion on  earth,  from  China  to  Peru,  from  the  Australian 


commonwealth  to  the  German  republic.  They  all  bear  the 
same  testimony. 

The  idea  of  a  republic  was  not  new,  but  the  practical 
working  out  of  such  a  form  of  government  under  separate 
and  independent,  and  yet  well-balanced  departments,  was 
a  very  new  thing  in  the  world.  The  governments  of  the 
past  could  fairly  be  characterized  as  devices  for  maintain- 
ing in  perpetuity  the  place  and  position  of  certain  priv- 
ileged classes,  without  any  ultimate  protection  for  the  rights 
of  the  people.  The  Government  of  the  United  States  is  a 
device  for  maintaining  in  perpetuity  the  rights  of  the 
people,  with  the  ultimate  extinction  of  all  privileged 
classes.  It  is  a  Constitution  which  is  the  product  of  hu- 
man experience  with  all  its  toil  and  suffering,  its  blood- 
shed and  devastation,  its  oppression  and  tyranny,  but  like- 
wise with  all  its  wisdom,  its  love  of  liberty  and  its  deter- 
mination to  follow  the  truth.  The  first  Continental  Con- 
gress met  to  redress  grievances  which  were  the  result  of 
government  action.  The  Revolution  was  fought  to  resist 
those  same  grievances.  And  finally,  the  Constitution  was 
adopted  to  prevent  similar  impositions  from  ever  again 
being  inflicted  upon  the  people. 

They  are  all  in  that  precious  document,  these  priceless 
guarantees.  The  people  do  not  propose  again  to  entrust 
their  government  to  others,  but  to  retain  it  under  their 
own  control.  No  one  can  tax  them  or  even  propose  a  tax 
upon  them,  save  themselves  and  their  own  representatives. 
Instead  of  encroaching  upon  local  Assemblies,  it  guarantees 
each  state  a  republican  form  of  government.  It  regulates 
suspension  of  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus.  It  protects  the 
home  from  the  uninvited  intrusion  of  the  military  force  of 
the  Government.  It  guards  the  right  of  jury  trial  and  un- 
dertakes to  make  judicial  officers  independent,  impartial 
and  free  from  every  motive  to  follow  any  influence  save  that 
of  the  evidence,  the  law  and  the  truth.    These  are  repre- 


sentative  of  the  great  body  of  our  liberties,  of  which  the 
Constitution  is  the  sole  source  and  guarantee. 

Ours,  as  you  know,  is  a  government  of  limited  powers. 
The  Constitution  confers  the  authority  for  certain  actions 
upon  the  President  and  the  Congress,  and  explicitly  pro- 
hibits them  from  taking  other  actions.  This  is  done  to 
protect  the  rights  and  liberties  of  the  people.  The  Govern- 
ment is  limited,  only  the  people  are  absolute.  Whenever 
the  legislative  or  executive  power  undertakes  to  overstep 
the  bounds  of  its  limitations,  any  person  who  is  injured  may 
resort  to  the  courts  for  protection  and  remedy.  We  do  not 
submit  the  precious  rights  of  the  people  to  the  hazard  of  a 
prejudiced  and  irresponsible  political  determination,  but 
preserve  and  protect  them  by  an  independent  and  impar- 
tial judicial  determination.  We  do  not  expose  the  rights 
of  the  weak  to  the  danger  of  being  overcome  in  the  public 
forum  by  popular  uproar,  but  protect  them  in  the  sanctity 
of  the  courtroom,  where  the  still,  small  voice  will  not  fail 
to  be  heard.  Any  attempt  to  change  this  method  of  proced- 
ure is  an  attempt  to  put  the  people  again  in  jeopardy  of 
the  impositions  and  the  tyrannies  from  which  the  first 
Continental  Congress  sought  to  deliver  them.  The  only 
position  that  Americans  can  take  is  that  they  are  against 
all  despotism  whether  it  emanate  from  a  monarch,  from 
a  parliament,  or  from  a  mob. 

A  significant  circumstance  of  the  first  Congress,  one 
which  ought  never  to  be  overlooked,  lies  in  the  fact  that  it 
resulted  from  the  voluntary  effort  on  the  part  of  the  people 
to  redress  their  own  grievances  and  remedy  their  own 
wrongs.  We  pay  too  little  attention  to  the  reserve  power 
of  the  people  to  take  care  of  themselves.  We  are  too 
solicitous  for  government  intervention,  on  the  theory,  first, 
that  the  people  themselves  are  helpless,  and  second,  that 
the  Government  has  superior  capacity  for  action.  Often 
times  both  of  these  conclusions  are  wrong. 


Everyone  knows  that  our  economic  problems  are  very 
far  from  being  solved.  But  we  are  making  constant  prog- 
ress, both  in  the  field  of  production  and  distribution.  When 
certain  abuses  arose,  we  adopted  a  policy  of  government 
regulation  and  control.  I  have  no  doubt  that  some  action 
of  that  kind  was  necessary,  and  of  course  such  a  policy 
would  be  continued.  But  it  has  not  been,  nor  can  it  be 
hoped  that  it  will  be,  always  wisely  administered.  While 
it  provides  some  defence  against  wrongdoing,  its  restrictions 
often  hamper  development  and  progress,  retard  enterprise, 
and  when  they  fail  to  produce  the  perfection  promised 
tend  to  bring  the  Government  into  discredit.  The  real 
fact  is  that  in  a  republic  like  ours  the  people  are  the  gov- 
ernment, and  if  they  cannot  secure  perfection  in  their  own 
economic  life  it  is  altogether  improbable  that  the  Govern- 
ment can  secure  it  for  them.  The  same  human  nature 
which  presides  over  private  enterprise  must  be  employed 
for  public  action. 

It  is  very  difficult  to  reconcile  the  American  ideal  of  a 
sovereign  people  capable  of  owning  and  managing  their 
own  government  with  an  inability  to  own  and  manage  their 
own  business.  No  doubt  there  are  certain  municipalities 
where  some  public  utilities  have  been  managed  through 
public  ownership  with  a  creditable  success.  But  this  is 
very  different  from  a  proposal  that  the  National  Govern- 
ment should  take  over  railroads  and  other  public  utilities. 
What  a  strain  this  would  be  to  our  economic  svstem  will  be 
realized  when  it  is  remembered  that  public  commissions 
set  the  value  of  such  utilities  at  about  $35,000,000,000,  and 
that  they  have  about  2,750,000  employees.  Such  an  under- 
taking would  mean  about  $1,750,000,000  annually  in  bond 
interest,  and  an  operating  budget  estimated  at  about 
$9,000,000,000.  These  utilities  are  no  longer  in  the  hands 
of  a  few,  directly  or  indirectly.  They  are  owned  by  scores 
of  millions  of  our  inhabitants.     It  would  mean  a  loss  in 


public  revenue  estimated  at  $600,000,000 la  year,  and  while 
in  industrial  states  it  might  not  increase  the  tax  on  the 
farmer  more  than  3%  or  4%,  in  many  agricultural  counties 
it  would  run  as  high  as  40%.  When  we  recall  the  appalling 
loss  and  the  difficulty  in  the  management  of  $3,500,000,000 
worth  of  ships,  we  should  undoubtedly  hesitate  about  tak- 
ing on  ten  times  that  value  in  public  utilities.  But  this  is 
no  occasion  to  discuss  the  details  of  public  ownership. 

I  have  mentioned  the  desirability  for  the  people  to  keep 
control  of  their  own  Government  and  their  own  property, 
because  I  believe  that  is  one  of  the  American  ideals  of  pub- 
lic welfare  in  harmony  with  the  efforts  of  the  first  Con- 
tinental Congress.  They  objected  to  small  infractions, 
which  would  destroy  great  principles  of  liberty.  Unless  we 
can  maintain  the  integrity  of  the  courts,  where  the  indi- 
vidual can  secure  his  rights,  any  kind  of  tyranny  may  fol- 
low. If  the  people  lose  control  of  the  arteries  of  trade 
and  the  natural  sources  of  mechanical  power,  the  nation- 
alization of  all  industry  could  soon  be  expected.  Our 
forefathers  were  alert  to  resist  all  encroachments  upon 
their  rights.  If  we  wish  to  maintain  our  rights,  we  can 
do  no  less.  Through  the  breaking  down  of  the  power  of 
the  courts  lies  an  easy  way  to  the  confiscation  of  the  prop- 
erty and  the  destruction  of  the  liberty  of  the  individual. 
With  railways  and  electrical  utilities  under  political  control, 
the  domination  of  a  group  would  be  so  firmly  intrenched  in 
the  whole  direction  of  our  Government,  that  the  privilege 
of  citizenship  for  the  rest  of  the  people  would  consist  largely 
in  the  payment  of  taxes.  The  Fathers  sought  to  escape 
from  any  such  condition,  through  the  guarantees  of  our 
Constitution.  They  put  their  faith  in  a  free  republic.  If 
we  wish  to  maintain  what  they  established,  we  shall  do 
well  to  leave  the  people  in  the  ownership  of  their  property, 
in  control  of  their  Government,  and  under  the  protection 



of  their  courts.  By  a  resolute  determination  to  resist  all 
these  encroachments  we  can  best  show  our  reverence  and 
appreciation  for  the  men  and  the  work  of  the  first  Con- 
tinental Congress. 




There  is  a  place  both  present  and  future  in 
America  for  true,  dean  sport.  We  do  not  rank 
it  above  business,  the  occupations  of  our  lives, 
and  we  do  not  look  with  approval  upon  those 
who,  not  being  concerned  in  its  performance, 
spend  all  their  thought,  energy  and  time  upon 
its  observance.  We  recognize,  however,  that 
there  is  something  more  in  life  than  the  grinding 
routine  of  daily  toil,  that  we  can  develop  a  better 
manhood  and  womanhood,  a  more  attractive 
youth,  and  a  wiser  maturity,  by  rounding  out 
our  existence  with  a  wholesome  interest  in  sport. 




As  the  head  of  an  enterprise  which  transacts  some  busi- 
ness and  maintains  a  considerable  staff  in  this  town,  I 
have  a  double  satisfaction  in  welcoming  home  the  victori- 
ous Washington  Baseball  Team.  First,  you  bring  the 
laurels  from  one  of  the  hardest  fought  contests  in  all  the 
history  of  the  national  game.  Second,  I  feel  hopeful  that 
with  this  happy  result  now  assured  it  will  be  possible  for 
the  people  of  Washington  gradually  to  resume  interest  in 
the  ordinary  concerns  of  life.  So  long  as  we  could  be  satis- 
fied with  a  prompt  report  of  the  score  by  innings,  a  rea- 
sonable attention  to  business  was  still  possible.  But  when 
the  entire  population  reached  the  point  of  requiring  the 
game  to  be  described  play  by  play,  I  began  to  doubt  whether 
the  highest  efficiency  was  being  promoted.  I  contemplated 
action  of  a  vigorously  disciplinary  character,  but  the  out- 
come makes  it  impossible.  As  a  result  we  are  a  somewhat 
demoralized  community — but  exceedingly  happy  over  it. 

It  may  be  that  at  some  time  in  the  past  a  baseball  pen- 
nant has  gone  to  as  widely  popular  a  winner  as  your  team  is 
today.  If  so,  it  was  in  some  year  when  I  was  not  watch- 
ing the  score  by  innings.  Tuesday  morning,  when  I  had 
finished  reading  details  of  the  decisive  battle  of  Boston  and 
turned  to  the  affairs  of  government,  I  found  on  top  of 
everything  else  on  my  desk  a  telegram  which  I  shall  read 
to  you.  Whether  or  not  I  shall  be  able  to  act  on  its  advice, 
many  will  agree  that  it  presents  a  correct,  constructive 
and  statesmanlike  program  for  dealing  with  the  present 

At  the  Zero  Milestone,  Washington,  D.  C,  in  welcoming  home  the 
Baseball  Team,  October  1,  1924. 



emergency.  I  have  received  worse  suggestions  on  more 
important  affairs.  It  is  from  a  true  and  thoughtful  friend 
of  the  people,  Congressman  John  F.  Miller,  of  Seattle.  He 

"Respectfully  suggest  it  is  your  patriotic  duty  to  call 
special  session  of  Congress  beginning  Saturday,  October 
4th,  so  the  members  of  Congress  may  have  an  opportunity 
to  sneak  out  and  see  Walter  Johnson  make  baseball  history. 
Cannot  speak  for  New  York  delegation,  but  hereby  pledge 
all  others  to  root  for  Washington,  and  serve  without  pay  or 
traveling  expenses." 

Mr.  Miller  has  such  judgment  and  his  sense  of  public 
psychology  is  so  accurate  that  I  do  not  need  to  say  what 
party  he  represents. 

The  Washington  team  won  because  it  deserved  to  win. 
It  had  fought  gamely,  year  after  year,  for  a  place  at  the 
front;  never  discouraged,  always  sure  that  better  things 
were  ahead.  Now  it  appears  to  have  annexed  the  whole 
country,  with  the  enthusiastic  approval  of  nearly  all  con- 
cerned. Aside  from  two  or  three  groups  of  earnest  young 
men  who  were  willing  to  accept  the  championship,  the 
whole  country  seems  agreed  that  precisely  the  right  thing 
has  happened.  That  is  a  real  compliment  to  the  fine  spirit, 
the  clean  play,  the  good  sportsmanship  that  brought  your 
victory.  These  have  always  been  characteristics  of  the 
work  of  the  Washington  team.  They  have  earned  for  it 
the  affection  of  the  "home  town"  constituency  and  the 
regard  of  baseball  followers  throughout  the  country.  Clean 
sport  crowned  with  victory  is  a  most  wholesome  sight.  I 
trust  it  will  always  be  representative  of  America. 

You  have  come  home  to  receive  the  plaudits  of  your 
city,  and  to  prepare  for  the  greater  competition  of  the 
World  Series.  We  are  all  agreed,  at  least  in  theory,  to  the 
sentiment,  "May  the  best  team  win."  But  I  want  to  add 
that  your  fellow  townsmen  of  Washington  do  not  need  to 




be  told  which  they  regard  as  the  best  team.  They  hold 
firm  convictions  about  it.  And  in  that  full  confidence  in 
which  the  President  is  privileged  to  speak  when  only  the 
public  is  listening,  I  may  say  that  I  have  my  opinion  about 
it.  I  hope  the  results  of  the  World  Series  will  show  we  all 
are  right.  I  know  it  will  show  a  continuation  of  clean 

Manager  Harris,  I  am  directed  by  a  group  of  your 
Washington  fellow  citizens  to  present  to  you  for  the  Club 
this  loving  cup.  It  is  a  symbol  of  deep  and  genuine  senti- 
ment. It  is  committed  to  you  and  your  team-mates  in  tes- 
timony of  the  feelings  that  all  Washington  has  for  you. 
With  it  go  the  heartiest  congratulations  on  victory  already 
won,  and  every  wish  for  your  success  in  the  contest  which 
is  still  ahead  of  you. 

There  is  a  place  both  present  and  future  in  America  for 
true,  clean  sport.  We  do  not  rank  it  above  business,  the 
occupations  of  our  lives,  and  we  do  not  look  with  approval 
upon  those  who,  not  being  concerned  in  its  performance, 
spend  all  their  thought,  energy  and  time  upon  its  observ- 
ance. We  recognize,  however,  that  there  is  something  more 
in  life  than  the  grinding  routine  of  daily  toil,  that  we  can 
develop  a  better  manhood  and  womanhood,  a  more  attrac- 
tive youth,  and  a  wiser  maturity,  by  rounding  out  our 
existence  with  a  wholesome  interest  in  sport. 

To  those  who  devote  themselves  to  this  enterprise  in 
a  professional  way  and  by  throwing  their  whole  being  into 
it  raise  it  to  the  level  of  an  art,  the  country  owes  a  debt 
of  gratitude.  They  furnish  us  with  amusement,  with  an 
outside  interest,  oftentimes  in  the  open  air,  that  quickens 
the  step,  refreshes  the  mind,  rejuvenates  and  restores  us. 
We  pitch  with  the  pitchers,  we  go  to  bat  with  the  batters, 
and  make  a  home  run  with  the  hard  hitters.  The  training, 
the  energy,  the  intelligence  which  these  men  lavish  upon 
their  profession  ought  to  be  an  inspiration  for  a  like  effort  in 


every  walk  of  life.  They  are  a  great  band,  these  armored 
knights  of  the  bat  and  ball.  They  are  held  up  to  a  high  stan- 
dard of  honor  on  the  field,  which  they  have  seldom  betrayed. 
While  baseball  remains  our  national  game  our  national 
tastes  will  be  on  a  higher  level  and  our  national  ideals  on 
a  firmer  foundation.  By  bringing  the  baseball  pennant  to 
Washington,  you  have  made  the  National  Capital  more 
truly  the  center  of  worthy  and  honorable  national  aspira- 


The  great  truth  cannot  be  too  often  repeated 
that  this  nation  is  exactly  what  the  people 
make  it. 

II ; 



We  meet  to  dedicate  a  monument  to  the  memory  of  the 
men  of  the  First  Division  of  the  American  Expeditionary 
Forces,  who  gave  their  lives  in  battle  for  their  country. 
Their  surviving  comrades  bestow  this  gift  upon  the  Nation. 
It  bears  mute  but  enduring  testimony  of  an  affectionate 
regard  for  those  who  made  the  great  sacrifice.  This  beauti- 
ful and  stately  shaft  represents  no  spirit  of  self-glorifica- 
tion. It  is  a  tribute  of  reverence  and  sorrow  to  nearly 
5,000  of  our  immortal  dead  from  those  who  knew  and  loved 
them.  The  figure  of  winged  victory  rises  above  the  scrolls 
of  imperishable  bronze  on  which  are  inscribed  alone  the 
ennobled  names  of  those  who  fell  and  through  their  death- 
less valor  left  us  free.  Other  soldiers,  generals  and  privates, 
officers  and  men,  rank  on  rank,  of  illustrious  fame  are  un- 
recorded here.    They  live.    The  dead  reign  here  alone. 

This  memorial  stands  as  a  testimony  of  how  the  members 
of  the  First  Division  looked  upon  the  War.  They  did  not 
regard  it  as  a  national  or  personal  opportunity  for  gain  or 
fame  or  glory,  but  as  a  call  to  sacrifice  for  the  support  of 
humane  principles  and  spiritual  ideals.  This  monument 
commemorates  no  man  who  won  anything  by  the  war.  It 
ministers  to  no  aspiration  for  place  or  power.  But  it  chal- 
lenges attention  to  the  cost,  suffering  and  sacrifice  that  may 
be  demanded  of  any  generation,  so  long  as  nations  permit 
a  resort  to  war  to  settle  their  disputes.  It  is  a  symbol  of 
awful  tragedy,  of  unending  sorrow,  and  of  stern  warning. 
Relieved  of  all  attendant  considerations,  the  final  lesson 

At  Washington,  October  4,  1924,  dedicating  the  monument  to  the  First 
Division,  A.  E.  F. 



which  it  imparts  is  the  blessing  of  peace,   the  supreme 
blessing  of  peace  with  honor. 

^The  First  Division  has  the  notable  record  of  being  the 
first  to  enter  France  and  the  last  to  leave  Germany.  Hur- 
riedly assembled,  largely  from  Regular  Army  units,  its  first 
four  regiments  landed  at  Saint-Nazaire  at  the  end  of  June, 
1917,  the  advance  guard  which  in  a  little  more  than  a  year 
was  to  be  swelled  to  the  incredible  force  of  two  millions. 
It  had  two  battalions  in  the  Grand  Parade  of  July  4th  in 
Paris,  when  tradition  claims  that  a  great  American  Com- 
mander laid  our  wreath  at  the  tomb  of  the  great  French- 
man with  a  salutation  which  was  short  but  all-embracing 
in  its  eloquence:  "Lafayette,  we  are  here."  Other  units, 
mostly  from  those  who  served  in  Mexico,  made  the  Division 
so  cosmopolitan  that  it  represented  every  state  and  all  the 
possessions  of  the  Union.  It  was  comprehensively  and 
truly  American. 

After  short  and  intensive  preparation  the  Division  was 
ordered  from  the  Gondrecourt  training  area  to  the  Som- 
merville  sector,  where  on  October  23rd  the  first  American 
shot  was  fired.  On  October  25th  the  first  American  officer 
was  wounded,  and  two  days  later  the  first  prisoner  was 
taken.  On  the  night  of  November  2nd  Corporal  James  B. 
Gresham  and  Privates  Thomas  F.  Enright  and  Merle  D. 
Hay,  killed  when  their  trenches  were  raided,  were  the  first 
Americans  lost  in  the  war.  In  January,  1918,  the  Division 
was  removed  to  the  Toul  sector,  where  for  the  first  time 
Americans  were  given  charge  of  a  section  of  trenches. 
From  here  it  was  sent  to  Cantigny  sector  to  resist  the 
March  drive  against  Amiens.  To  this  place  General  Persh- 
ing came  on  a  personal  visit,  warning  the  officers  of  the 
desperate  character  of  the  fighting  which  was  soon  en- 
countered. The  trenches  here  were  imperfect  and  the 
troops  were  constantly  exposed  to  shellfire.  The  first  of- 
fensive of  an  American  unit  was  the  attack  on  Cantigny. 



Repeated  and  desperate  efforts  were  made  to  recapture  the 
town  from  the  Americans  in  order  that  they  should  not 
be  permitted  to  record  a  success,  but  the  town  was  held  and 
victory  remained  with  the  First  Division.  In  July  the 
Division  was  placed  in  the  Soisson  sector  to  take  part  in 
the  attack  on  the  German  salient.  In  five  days  of  heavy 
fighting  it  advanced  11  kilometers  and  captured  3500  of- 
ficers and  men,  with  large  quantities  of  materials.  Its 
own  losses  were  78  officers  and  1458  men  killed,  214  officers 
and  6130  men  wounded,  5  prisoners  and  390  missing;  a 
heavy  price  to  pay,  but  the  victory  at  Soisson  has  been 
called  the  turning  point  of  the  war. 

Following  a  fortnight  for  rest  and  replacements  a  short 
service  in  the  Vosges  preceded  the  attack  on  St.  Mihiel. 
The  offensive  against  this  position,  which  has  been  held 
for  four  years,  was  the  first  operation  of  an  American 
army  under  an  American  commander.  Under  the  direction 
of  General  Pershing  nine  American  and  some  French  divi- 
sions won  complete  victory,  the  Americans  capturing  16,000 
prisoners,  443  guns,  and  240  miles  of  territory.  The  Divi- 
sion was  then  sent  to  the  Meuse. 

In  the  great  final  offensive  about  a  million  American 
troops  were  engaged  in  the  Argonne  sector.  After  being 
held  in  reserve  five  days  after  operations  opened,  the  First 
Division  went  into  action  October  4th  to  open  the  way 
on  the  east  for  a  flank  attack  upon  the  forest.  From  then 
until  the  Armistice  fighting  and  marching  were  continuous. 
The  early  successes  of  the  American  forces  in  the  Argonne 
attack  started  a  general  German  retirement  about  Novem- 
ber 2nd.  From  then  until  Armistice  Day  the  advance  con- 
tinued. On  the  night  of  November  5th  the  First  Division 
reached  the  Meuse.  It  was  ordered  to  attack  Sedan.  Be- 
tween 4:30  in  the  afternoon  of  November  5th  and  midnight 
November  7th,  the  Division  advanced  and  fought  con- 
stantly.    The  16th,   18th  and  28th  Infantry  Regiments 


covered  35  miles  each,  while  the  26th  Infantry,  under  the 
command  of  Colonel  Theodore  Roosevelt,  traversed  no  less 
than  45  miles.  Then  came  the  Armistice.  Immediately 
after  the  Division  was  ordered  into  Germany  and  stationed 
at  the  bridgeheads  east  of  the  line,  from  which  it  was  with- 
drawn about  a  year  later,  the  last  units  reaching  New  York 
on  September  6,  1919. 

Such  in  barest  outline  is  the  war  record  of  the  First 
Division.  In  little  more  than  a  year  it  lost  by  death  5,516, 
of  which  4,964  were  killed  in  battle.  Over  17,000  were 
wounded,  170  were  reported  missing,  and  124  were  taken 
prisoners.  These  numbers  nearly  equal  the  original 
strength  of  the  Division.  In  General  Order  No.  201,  of 
November  10,  1918,  his  only  General  Order  issued  referring 
exclusively  to  the  work  of  a  single  Division,  after  describing 
your  difficult  accomplishments,  General  Pershing  concluded 

"The  Commander-in-Chief  has  noted  in  this  Division 
a  special  pride  of  service  and  a  high  state  of  morale,  never 
broken  by  hardship  nor  battle." 

Five  different  Generals  commanded  the  Division,  all  of 
whom  won  high  distinction  and  commendation.  They 
were  William  L.  Sibert,  Robert  L.  Bullard,  Charles  P.  Sum- 
merall,  Frank  Parker,  and  Edward  F.  McGlachlin. 

The  little  that  I  can  say  in  commendation  of  the  service 
of  your  Division  is  but  a  slight  suggestion  of  what  is  de- 
served. Every  unit  of  the  American  Army,  whether  at 
home  or  abroad,  richly  merits  its  own  full  measure  of  rec- 
ognition. They  shrank  from  no  toil,  no  danger  and  no 
hardship,  that  the  liberties  of  our  country  might  adequately 
be  defended  and  preserved. 

We  raise  monuments  to  testify  to  the  honor  in  which  we 
hold  men  for  the  work  they  have  done,  and  to  be  a  constant 
reminder  to  ourselves  and  future  generations  of  the  lessons 
their  actions  have  taught  us.     A  tradition  reminds  us  of 


the  ingratitude  of  republics.  That  supposition  must  have 
arisen  before  America  was  very  far  advanced.  It  is  true 
that  we  do  not  pay  much  attention  to  those  who  serve  us 
in  civil  life.  The  honor  bestowed  during  the  term  of  the 
office  may  well  be  thought  adequate  recognition.  When 
our  country  was  young  and  struggling,  poor  and  unorgan- 
ized, it  found  difficulty  in  even  paying  those  who  fought 
in  the  Revolutionary  War.  It  is  well  known  that  Washing- 
ton was  not  even  a  dollar  a  year  man,  but  donated  his 
great  talents  to  his  country.  But  after  our  Constitution 
was  adopted  and  the  national  finances  were  restored  to 
order,  and  as  the  resources  of  the  country  grew,  the  nation 
did  not  fail  in  its  duty  toward  those  that  won  our  inde- 
pendence. The  unsurpassing  honor  in  which  the  nation  has 
always  held  its  defenders  has  since  that  time  been  reflected 
in  a  policy  too  familiar  to  need  mention.  The  great  con- 
test which  Lincoln  directed  ended  less  than  sixty  years 
ago.  Those  who  fought  in  it  and  their  dependents  have 
been  paid  about  6,000  million  dollars,  averaging  $100,000,- 
000  a  year,  and  payments  are  now  going  on  at  the  rate  of 
about  a  quarter  of  a  billion  dollars  each  year.  The  partici- 
pants in  the  Spanish  War  are  being  provided  for  along  the 
same  direction.  For  that  which  might  be  broadly  charac- 
terized as  relief  work  for  the  veterans  and  their  dependents 
of  the  World  War,  the  Government  has  already  appropri- 
ated well  towards  3,000  million  dollars.  But  this  is  not 
the  measure,  it  is  only  an  indication  of  the  high  regard  and 
the  abiding  honor  which  America  bestows  upon  its  loyal 
defenders.  It  cannot  be  measured  in  money.  How  poor 
and  cheap  and  unworthy  would  be  that  attitude  which 
could  say:  "You  have  offered  your  life.  Here  is  your  dol- 
lar. That  discharges  the  debt.  Take  it  and  go."  The  na- 
tion recognizes  towards  them  all  a  debt  which  it  can  never 
repay,  but  which  it  will  never  repudiate.  Standing  to  their 
credit  will  forever  be  an  inexhaustible  balance  of  gratitude, 


of  honor  and  of  praise.  In  song  and  story,  in  monument 
and  memorial,  in  tradition  and  history,  they  will  live  in  the 
heart  of  the  people  forever  more. 

For  the  aid  and  relief  of  all  veterans  suffering  disability 
by  reason  of  service,  and  of  their  dependents,  with  the 
unanimous  support  of  the  country  the  Government  is  com- 
mitted to  a  most  broad  and  liberal  policy.  Its  administra- 
tion has  been  difficult  from  its  very  magnitude.  It  had  no 
opportunity  to  grow  and  learn  by  experience.  While  a 
military  force  of  about  4,600,000,  of  which  more  than  2,000,- 
000  were  brought  from  abroad,  had  to  be  demobilized  and 
returned  to  their  homes,  and  a  civil  force  calculated  at 
about  7,000,000,  discharged  from  war  industries,  had  to  be 
relocated  in  peacetime  occupations,  an  organization  com- 
plete in  all  its  functions  had  to  be  devised  to  meet  this  great 
emergency  of  relief.  Nevertheless,  these  12,000,000  people 
were  restored  to  a  life  of  peace  with  little  economic  loss. 

To  unify  the  relation  of  the  Government  to  this  whole 
problem  the  Veterans  Bureau  was  established.  The  Bureau 
is  now  functioning  in  the  interest  of  those  it  is  intended  to 
serve.  The  scattered  mass  of  laws  dealing  with  relief  have 
been  coordinated  in  the  Veterans  Act  of  1924.  Government 
hospital  facilities  have  been  made  available  to  all  veterans 
of  all  wars,  whether  the  disability  was  or  was  not  due  to 
military  service.  The  needy  are  even  furnished  traveling 
expenses  to  reach  the  hospital.  Since  1921  a  broad  policy 
of  caring  for  the  sick  has  been  established.  Over  $40,000,- 
000  has  been  appropriated,  25  new  hospitals  have  been  com- 
pleted with  over  10,000  beds,  and  7  more  with  about  1700 
beds  will  soon  be  ready  for  occupancy.  The  25,000  to  30,- 
000  patients  will  soon  be  entirely  housed  in  Government 
hospitals  with  several  thousand  spare  beds. 

In  order  that  the  government  might  be  brought  to  the 
Veteran,  district  organizations  provide  local  relief  agencies. 
Uncertainties  are  resolved  in  favor  of  the  service  men,  and 



the  particular  kind  of  assistance  required  is  supplied.  Ex- 
ceptional benefits  accrue  to  the  mentally  ill  and  their  de- 
pendents. Organization  is  nationwide  to  provide  employ- 
ment. In  cases  of  excessive  relief,  if  no  fraud  is  involved 
the  loss  falls  on  the  Government,  The  pension  laws  for 
widows  and  mothers  have  been  liberalized.  While  there 
are  still  40,000  taking  rehabilitation  training,  over  80,000 
have  completed  these  courses  and  substantially  all  have 
been  placed  in  profitable  employment. 

The  caring  for  those  who  are  the  disabled  and  the  de- 
pendents by  reason  of  service  in  time  of  war  is  the  very 
first  duty  of  the  National  Government.  I  have  referred 
to  a  few  of  the  representative  efforts  which  our  country 
has  made  to  discharge  that  duty  with  an  unstinted  expen- 
diture which  has  averaged  about  half  a  billion  dollars  each 
year.  For  the  relief  of  stricken  veterans  and  their  depend- 
ents, America  has  been  proud  to  establish  a  new  standard. 

While  this  is  the  first  duty,  it  is  by  no  means  the  only 
one.  Many  others  have  resulted  from  the  Great  War, 
which  must  be  discharged  by  the  Government  and  the 
people.  I  am  well  aware  that  it  is  impossible  to  maintain 
in  time  of  peace  the  same  exalted  spirit  of  patriotism  that 
exists  in  time  of  war,  and  yet,  although  it  may  be  in  a  less 
degree,  the  country  has  need  of  devotion  to  the  same  ideals. 
In  our  land  the  people  rule.  The  great  truth  cannot  be 
too  often  repeated  that  this  nation  is  exactly  what  the 
people  make  it.  It  is  necessary  to  realize  that  our  duties 
are  personal.  For  each  of  us  our  country  will  be  about  what 
we  make  it.  The  obligation  of  citizenship  is  upon  each  one 
of  us.  We  must  discharge  it  in  the  actions  of  our  daily  life. 
If  we  are  employed,  we  must  be  true  to  that  employment. 
If  we  are  in  business,  we  must  be  true  to  that  business. 
What  is  always  of  the  utmost  importance,  if  we  have  the 
privilege  to  vote  we  must  inform  ourselves  of  the  questions 
at  issue  and  going  to  the  ballot  box  on  election  day  there 


vote,  as  we  claim  the  sacred  right  of  Americans  to  live,  ac- 
cording to  the  dictates  of  our  own  conscience.  You  who 
have  offered  your  blood  that  these  supreme  rights  and 
privileges  might  be  maintained  as  a  standard  of  human 
conduct  on  this  earth  must  continue  to  be  their  chief  ex- 
ponents by  what  you  say  and  by  what  you  do.  The  com- 
ing generations  will  reverence  your  example. 

In  this  presence  I  am  well  aware  there  is  no  need  to 
urge  any  support  of  the  American  Constitution,  but  I 
cannot  let  this  occasion  pass  without  expressing  my  most 
strong  and  emphatic  commendation  for  the  reverence  which 
your  words  and  actions  constantly  express  for  the  liberty- 
giving  provisions  of  the  fundamental  law  of  our  land.  You 
have  supported  the  Constitution  and  the  Flag  which  i3 
its  symbol,  not  only  because  it  represents  to  you  the  home- 
land, but  because  you  know  it  is  the  sole  source  of  Ameri- 
can freedom.  You  want  your  rights  protected  by  the 
impartial  judicial  decisions  of  the  courts  where  you  will 
have  a  right  to  be  heard  and  not  be  exposed  to  the  irre- 
sponsible determination  of  partisan  political  action.  You 
want  to  have  your  earnings  and  your  property  secure.  You 
want  a  free  and  fair  opportunity  to  conduct  your  own  busi- 
ness and  make  your  way  in  the  world  without  danger  of 
being  overcome  by  a  Government  monopoly.  When  the 
Government  goes  into  business  it  lays  a  tax  on  everybody 
else  in  that  business,  and  uses  the  money  that  it  collects 
from  its  competitors  to  establish  a  monopoly  and  drive 
them  out  of  business.  No  one  can  compete.  When  the 
Government  really  starts  into  a  line  of  business  that  door 
of  opportunity  is  closed  to  the  people.  It  has  always  been 
an  American  ideal  that  the  door  of  opportunity  should 
remain  open. 

But  while  naturally  we  think  of  our  own  domestic  af- 
fairs first,  we  have  to  remember  not  only  that  we  are  af- 
fected by  what  happens  abroad,  but  that  we  are  one  among 



other  nations.  If  there  is  anything  which  is  dear  to  Ameri- 
cans, which  they  are  bound  to  preserve  at  all  hazards,  it 
is  their  independence.  I  mean  by  that  the  privilege  of 
reserving  to  themselves  the  choice  of  their  own  course  and 
the  decision  of  their  own  actions.  We  do  not  propose  to 
entrust  to  any  other  power,  or  combination  of  powers,  any 
authority  to  make  up  our  own  mind  for  us.  But  we  recog- 
nize that  what  others  do  has  an  effect  upon  us.  Had  it 
not  been  so,  it  would  not  have  been  necessary  for  you  to 
go  overseas.  We  recognize  too  that  we  are  a  part  of  the 
great  brotherhood  of  mankind,  that  there  are  mutual  duties 
and  obligations  between  nations  as  there  are  between  in- 
dividuals. America  has  every  wish  to  discharge  its  obliga- 
tions. This  is  a  condition  which  is  not  imposed  upon  us 
by  artificial  covenants,  but  which  results  from  the  natural 
relationship  among  nations.  We  wish  to  recognize  these 
requirements  for  the  promotion  of  peace.  WTar  and  destruc- 
tion are  unnatural;  peace  and  progress  are  natural.  It  is 
in  that  direction  that  the  people  of  the  earth  must  move. 
I  am  in  favor  of  treaties  and  covenants  conforming  to  the 
American  policy  of  independence  to  prevent  aggressive  war 
and  promote  permanent  peace.  But  they  have  little  value 
unless  the  sentiment  of  peace  is  cherished  in  the  hearts  of 
the  people.  Peace  is  the  result  of  mutual  understanding 
and  mutual  confidence  exemplified  in  honorable  action. 
Your  adversaries  found  that  when  you  made  war,  you  made 
it  with  all  your  might.  The  nation  nourished  the  war  spirit. 
But  now  we  have  made  peace.  If  it  is  to  be  real  peace,  if  it 
is  to  result  in  the  benefits  that  ought  to  accrue  from  it,  it 
will  be  because  we  nourish  with  equal  sincerity  the  peace 
spirit,  because  we  seek  to  establish  mutual  good  will,  be- 
cause we  are  moved  by  the  sentiment  of  magnanimity. 

No  other  basis  exists  for  the  progress  of  civilization  on 
earth.  We  had  many  motives  for  entering  the  war.  I  shall 
not  attempt  to  catalogue  them.    What  we  need  now  is  to 


cherish  the  motives  for  which  we  made  peace.  We  want 
to  see  the  Allies  paid,  we  want  to  see  Germany  restored 
to  a  condition  of  productivity  and  progress,  under  which 
she  will  be  able  to  take  up  the  burden  of  civilization.  Our 
country  has  been  working  toward  that  end.  Our  Govern- 
ment suggested  a  plan,  the  essence  of  which  was  that  it 
should  be  carried  out  by  private  citizens  unhampered  by 
political  consideration.  That  was  done.  The  American 
government  was  the  architect,  the  experts  unconnected  with 
any  government  built  the  structure  known  as  the  Dawes 
Plan.  The  Allies  and  Germany  have  adopted  it.  It  re- 
mains for  private  enterprise  in  this  country  and  Europe 
to  help  finance  it. 

When  this  is  done  I  believe  Europe  will  begin  to  revive, 
and  that  we  shall  receive  the  benefit  of  a  larger  market  for 
the  products  of  our  farms  and  our  factories.  Above  that 
we  shall  have  the  satisfaction  of  knowing  that  we  have 
done  what  we  could  to  dispel  the  hatreds  of  war,  restore 
the  destruction  it  has  wrought,  and  lay  a  firmer  foundation 
for  industrial  prosperity  and  a  more  secure  peace.  To  pro- 
mote these  ends,  reserving  complete  jurisdiction  over  its 
own  internal  affairs  and  complete  independence  to  direct 
its  own  actions,  America  should  always  stand  ready.  I  have 
already  indicated  many  times  my  wish  for  an  International 
Court  and  further  disarmament. 

We  cannot  claim  that  under  our  institutions  we  have 
reached  perfection,  but  we  are  justified  in  saying  that  our 
institutions  are  the  best  for  the  promotion  of  human  wel- 
fare that  the  ingenuity  of  man  has  ever  been  able  to  devise. 
We  cannot  claim  that  our  Government  is  perfect,  but  we 
have  the  right  to  believe  that  it  is  the  best  that  there  is. 
We  do  not  claim  we  have  been  able  to  discharge  our  full 
duty  towards  the  other  nations  of  the  earth.  But  we  have 
a  right  to  believe  that  we  have  been  the  most  effectual 
agency  in  helping  to  restore  Europe.    If  anyone  doubts  the 


depth  and  sincerity  of  the  attachment  of  the  American 
people  to  their  institutions  and  Government,  if  anyone 
doubts  the  sacrifices  which  they  have  been  willing  to  make 
in  behalf  of  those  institutions  and  for  what  they  believe  to 
be  the  welfare  of  other  nations,  let  them  gaze  upon  this 
monument  and  other  like  memorials  that  have  been  reared 
in  every  quarter  of  our  broad  land.  Let  them  look  upon 
the  representative  gatherings  of  our  veterans,  and  let  them 
remember  that  America  has  dedicated  itself  to  the  service 
of  God  and  man. 



Our  government  rests  upon  religion.  It  is  from 
that  source  that  we  derive  our  reverence  for 
truth  and  justice,  for  equality  and  liberty,  and 
for  the  rights  of  mankind.  Unless  the  people 
believe  in  these  principles  they  cannot  believe  in 
our  government. 



This  occasion  cannot  but  recall  to  our  minds  in  a  most 
impressive  way  the  sacrifice  and  devotion  that  has  gone 
into  the  making  of  our  country.  It  is  impossible  to  inter- 
pret it  as  the  working  out  of  a  plan  devised  by  man.  The 
wisest  and  most  far-sighted  of  them  had  little  conception 
of  the  greatness  of  the  structure  which  was  to  arise  on  the 
foundation  which  they  were  making.  As  we  review  their 
accomplishments  they  constantly  admonish  us  not  only 
that  "all  things  work  together  for  good  to  them  that  love 
God/'  but  that  in  the  direction  of  the  affairs  of  our  country 
there  has  been  an  influence  that  had  a  broader  vision,  a 
greater  wisdom  and  a  wider  purpose,  than  that  of  mortal 
man,  which  we  can  only  ascribe  to  a  Divine  Providence.  A 
wide  variety  of  motives  has  gone  into  the  building  of  our 
republic.  We  can  never  understand  what  self-government  is 
or  what  is  necessary  to  maintain  it  unless  we  keep  these 
fundamentals  in  mind.  To  one  of  them,  Francis  Asbury, 
the  first  American  Bishop  of  the  Methodist  Episcopal 
Church,  and  his  associates,  made  a  tremendous  contribution. 

Our  government  rests  upon  religion.  It  is  from  that 
source  that  we  derive  our  reverence  for  truth  and  justice, 
for  equality  and  liberty,  and  for  the  rights  of  mankind. 
Unless  the  people  believe  in  these  principles  they  cannot 
believe  in  our  government.  There  are  only  two  main  the- 
ories of  government  in  the  world.  One  rests  on  righteous- 
ness, the  other  rests  on  force.  One  appeals  to  reason,  the 
other  appeals  to  the  sword.    One  is  exemplified  in  a  re- 

At  the  unveiling  of  the  Equestrian  Statue  of  Bishop  Francis  Asbury, 
Washington,  D.  C,  October  15,  1924. 


I  Pi 


public,  the  other  is  represented  by  a  despotism.  The  his- 
tory of  government  on  this  earth  has  been  almost  entirely 
a  history  of  the  rule  of  force  held  in  the  hands  of  a  few. 
Under  our  constitution  America  committed  itself  to  the 
practical  application  of  the  rule  of  reason,  with  the  power 
held  in  the  hands  of  the  people. 

This  result  was  by  no  means  accomplished  at  once.  It 
came  about  only  by  reason  of  long  and  difficult  preparation, 
oftentimes  accompanied  with  discouraging  failure.  The 
ability  for  self-government  is  arrived  at  only  through  an 
extensive  training  and  education.  In  our  own  case  it  re- 
quired many  generations,  and  we  cannot  yet  say  that  it  is 

[li  wholly  perfected.    It  is  of  a  great  deal  of  significance  that 

the  generation  which  fought  the  American  Revolution  had 

ill  seen  a  very  extensive  religious  revival.    They  had  heard  the 

Hi!  preaching  of  Jonathan  Edwards.    They  had  seen  the  great 

revival  meetings  that  were  inspired  also  by  the  preaching 

III  of  Whitefield.    The  religious  experiences  of  those  days  made 

a  profound  impression  upon  the  great  body  of  the  people. 
They  made  new  thoughts  and  created  new  interests.    They 

1 1  freed  the  public  mind,  through  a  deeper  knowledge  and 

more  serious  contemplation  of  the  truth.     By  calling  the 

f  I  people  to  righteousness  they  were  a  direct  preparation  for 

*'  self-government.     It  was  for  a  continuation  of  this  work 

that  Francis  Asbury  was  raised  up. 

The  religious  movement  which  he  represented  was  dis- 
tinctly a  movement  to  reach  the  great  body  of  the  people. 
Just  as  our  Declaration  of  Independence  asserts  that  all 
men  are  created  free,  so  it  seems  to  me  the  founders  of 
this  movement  were  inspired  by  the  thought  that  all  men 
were  worthy  to  hear  the  Word,  worthy  to  be  sought  out 
and  brought  to  salvation.  It  was  this  motive  that  took 
their  preachers  among  the  poor  and  neglected,  even  to 
criminals  in  the  jails.  As  our  ideal  has  been  to  bring  all 
men  to  freedom,  so  their  ideal  was  to  bring  all  men  to 


salvation.  It  was  preeminently  a  movement  in  behalf  of 
all  the  people.  It  was  not  a  new  theory.  The  American 
Constitution  was  not  a  new  theory.  But,  like  it,  it  was  the 
practical  application  of  an  old  theory  which  was  very  new. 

Just  as  the  time  was  approaching  when  our  country  was 
about  to  begin  the  work  of  establishing  a  government  which 
was  to  represent  the  rule  of  the  people,  where  not  a  few 
but  the  many  were  to  control  public  affairs,  where  the  vote 
of  the  humblest  was  to  count  for  as  much  as  the  vote  of 
the  most  exalted,  Francis  Asbury  came  to  America  to 
preach  religion.  He  had  no  idea  that  he  was  preparing 
men  the  better  to  take  part  in  a  great  liberal  movement,  the 
better  to  take  advantage  of  free  institutions,  and  the  better 
to  perform  the  functions  of  self-government.  He  did  not 
come  for  political  motives.  Undoubtedly  they  were  farthest 
from  his  mind.  Others  could  look  after  public  affairs.  He 
was  a  loyal  and  peaceful  subject  of  the  Realm.  He  came 
to  bring  the  gospel  to  the  people,  to  bear  witness  to  the 
truth  and  to  follow  it  wheresoever  it  might  lead.  Wherever 
men  dwelt,  whatever  their  condition,  no  matter  how  re- 
mote, no  matter  how  destitute  they  might  be,  to  him  they 
were  souls  to  be  saved. 

For  this  work,  the  bearing  of  the  testimony  of  the  truth 
to  those  who  were  about  to  be,  and  to  those  who  in  his  later 
years  were,  sovereign  American  citizens,  he  had  a  peculiar 
training  and  aptitude.  He  was  the  son  of  a  father  who 
earned  his  livelihood  by  manual  labor,  of  a  mother  who 
bore  a  reputation  for  piety.  By  constant  effort  they  pro- 
vided the  ordinary  comforts  of  life  and  an  opportunity  for 
intellectual  and  religious  instruction.  It  was  thus  that  he 
came  out  of  a  home  of  the  people.  Very  early,  at  the  age 
of  seventeen,  he  began  his  preaching.  In  1771,  when  he 
was  twenty-six  years  old,  responding  to  a  call  for  volunteers, 
he  was  sent  by  Wesley  to  America.  Landing  in  Philadel- 
phia, he  began  that  ministry  which  in  the  next  forty-five 


years  was  to  take  him  virtually  all  through  the  colonies  and 
their  western  confines  and  into  Canada,  from  Maine  on  the 
north,  almost  to  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  on  the  south. 

He  came  to  America  five  years  after  the  formation  of 
the  first  Methodist  Society  in  the  city  of  New  York,  which 
had  been  contemporaneous  with  his  own  joining  of  the 
British  Conference  as  an  itinerant  preacher  and  a  gospel 
missionary.  At  that  time  it  is  reported  that  there  were  316 
members  of  his  denomination  in  this  country.  The  prodi- 
gious character  of  his  labors  is  revealed  when  we  remember 
that  he  traveled  some  6,000  miles  each  year,  or  in  all  about 
270,000  miles,  preaching  about  15,500  sermons  and  ordain- 
ing more  than  4,000  clergymen,  besides  presiding  at  no  less 
than  224  Annual  Conferences.  The  highest  salary  that  he 
received  was  $80  each  year  for  this  kind  of  service,  which 
meant  exposure  to  summer  heat  and  winter  cold,  traveling 
alone  through  the  frontier  forests,  sharing  the  rough  fare 
of  the  pioneer's  cabin,  until  his  worn-out  frame  was  laid  at 
last  to  rest.  But  he  left  behind  him  as  one  evidence  of  his 
labors  695  preachers  and  214,235  members  of  his  denomina- 
tion. The  vitality  of  the  cause  which  he  served  is  further 
revealed  by  recalling  that  the  316  with  which  he  began  has 
now  grown  to  more  than  8,000,000. 

His  problem  during  the  Revolutionary  War  was  that  of 
continuing  to  perform  his  duties  without  undertaking  to 
interfere  in  civil  or  military  affairs.  He  had  taken  for  the 
text  of  his  first  sermon  in  America  these  very  significant 
words:  "For  I  determined  not  to  know  anything  among  you 
save  Jesus  Christ  and  him  crucified."  When  several  of  his 
associates  left  for  England  in  1775,  he  decided  to  stay.  "I 
can  by  no  means  agree  to  leave  such  a  field  for  gathering 
souls  to  Christ  as  we  have  in  America,"  he  writes,  "there- 
fore I  am  determined  by  the  grace  of  God  not  to  leave  them, 
let  the  consequence  be  what  it  may."  But  he  had  no  lack 
of  loyalty   to   the   early   form   of  American   government. 


When  the  inauguration  of  Washington  took  place  April 
30,  1789,  the  Conference  being  in  session,  Bishop  Asbury 
moved  the  presentation  of  a  congratulatory  address  to  the 
new  President.  His  suggestion  was  adopted,  and  the 
Bishop  being  one  of  those  designated  for  the  purpose,  pre- 
senting the  address  in  person,  read  it  to  Washington.  How 
well  he  fitted  into  the  scheme  of  things,  this  circuit  rider 
who  spent  his  life  making  stronger  the  foundation  on  which 
our  government  rests  and  seeking  to  implant  in  the  hearts 
of  all  men,  however  poor  and  unworthy  they  may  have 
seemed,  an  increased  ability  to  discharge  the  high  duties  of 
their  citizenship.  His  outposts  marched  with  the  pioneers, 
his  missionaries  visited  the  hovels  of  the  poor  so  that  all 
men  might  be  brought  to  a  knowledge  of  the  truth. 

A  great  lesson  has  been  taught  us  by  this  holy  life.  It 
was  because  of  what  Bishop  Asbury  and  his  associates 
preached  and  what  other  religious  organizations,  through 
their  ministry,  preached,  that  our  country  has  developed  so 
much  freedom  and  contributed  so  much  to  the  civilization 
of  the  world.  It  is  well  to  remember  this  when  we  are 
seeking  for  social  reforms.  If  we  can  keep  in  mind  their 
sources,  we  shall  better  understand  their  limitations. 

The  government  of  a  country  never  gets  ahead  of  the 
religion  of  a  country.  There  is  no  way  by  which  we  can 
substitute  the  authority  of  law  for  the  virtue  of  man.  Of 
course  we  can  help  to  restrain  the  vicious  and  furnish  a  fair 
degree  of  security  and  protection  by  legislation  and  police 
control,  but  the  real  reforms  which  society  in  these  days  is 
seeking  will  come  as  a  result  of  our  religious  convictions, 
or  they  will  not  come  at  all.  Peace,  justice,  humanity, 
charity — these  cannot  be  legislated  into  being.  They  are 
the  result  of  a  Divine  Grace.  I  have  never  seen  the  neces- 
sity for  reliance  upon  religion  rather  than  upon  law  better 
expressed  than  in  a  great  truth  uttered  by  Mr.  Tiffany 
Blake,  of  Chicago,  when  he  said :    "Christ  spent  no  time  in 


the  antechamber  of  Caesar."  An  act  of  Congress  may  indi- 
cate that  a  reform  is  being  or  has  been  accomplished,  but  it 
does  not  of  itself  bring  about  a  reform. 

Perhaps,  too,  there  is  a  lesson  in  contentment  in  the  life 
of  this  devout  man.  He  never  had  any  of  the  luxuries  of 
this  life.  Even  its  conveniences  did  not  reach  him,  and  of 
its  absolute  necessaries  he  had  a  scanty  share.  Without 
ever  having  the  enjoyment  of  a  real  home,  constantly  on 
the  move,  poorly  clad,  often  wretchedly  sheltered,  much  of 
the  time  insufficiently  nourished,  yet  his  great  spirit  pressed 
on  to  the  end,  always  toward  the  mark  of  his  high  calling. 
His  recompense  was  not  in  the  things  of  the  earth.  Yet 
who  can  doubt  that  as  he  beheld  his  handiwork,  as  he  saw 
his  accomplishments  grow,  there  came  to  him  a  glorious 
satisfaction  and  a  divine  peace?  No  doubt  he  valued  the 
material  things  of  this  life,  and  certainly  they  ought  to  be 
valued  and  valued  greatly,  but  he  regarded  it  as  his  work 
to  put  a  greater  emphasis  on  the  things  of  the  spirit.  He 
sought  to  prepare  men  for  the  sure  maintenance  and  the 
proper  enjoyment  of  liberty,  and  for  the  more  certain  pro- 
duction and  the  better  use  of  wealth,  by  inspiring  them  with 
a  reverence  for  the  moral  values  of  life. 

What  a  wonderful  experience  he  must  have  had,  this 
prophet  of  the  wilderness!  Who  shall  say  where  his  influ- 
ence, written  upon  the  immortal  souls  of  men,  shall  end? 
How  many  homes  he  must  have  hallowed !  What  a  multi- 
tude of  frontier  mothers  must  have  brought  their  children 
to  him  to  receive  his  blessing!  It  is  more  than  probable 
that  Nancy  Hanks,  the  mother  of  Lincoln,  had  heard  him 
in  her  youth.  Adams  and  Jefferson  must  have  known  him, 
and  Jackson  must  have  seen  in  him  a  flaming  spirit  as  un- 
conquerable as  his  own.  How  many  temples  of  worship 
dot  our  landscape;  how  many  institutions  of  learning,  some 
of  them  rejoicing  in  the  name  of  Wesleyan,  all  trace  the 
inspiration  of  their  existence  to  the  sacrifice  and  service  of 


this  lone  circuit  rider !  He  is  entitled  to  rank  as  one  of  the 
builders  of  our  nation. 

On  the  foundation  of  a  religious  civilization  which  he 
sought  to  build,  our  country  has  enjoyed  greater  blessing  of 
liberty  and  prosperity  than  was  ever  before  the  lot  of  man. 
These  cannot  continue  if  we  neglect  the  work  which  he  did. 
We  cannot  depend  on  the  government  to  do  the  work  of 
religion.  We  cannot  escape  a  personal  responsibility  for 
our  own  conduct.  We  cannot  regard  those  as  wise  or  safe 
counselors  in  public  affairs  who  deny  these  principles  and 
seek  to  support  the  theory  that  society  can  succeed  when 
the  individual  fails. 

I  do  not  see  how  any  one  could  recount  the  story  of  this 
early  Bishop  without  feeling  a  renewed  faith  in  our  own 
country.  He  met  a  multitude  of  storms.  Many  of  them 
caused  him  sore  trials.  But  he  never  wavered.  He  saw  wars 
and  heard  rumors  of  war,  but  whatever  may  have  been  the 
surface  appearance,  underneath  it  all  our  country  manifested 
then  and  has  continued  to  manifest  a  high  courage,  a  re- 
markable strength  of  spirit  and  an  unusual  ability,  in  a 
crisis,  to  choose  the  right  course.  Something  has  continued 
to  guide  the  people.  No  tumult  has  been  loud  enough  to 
prevent  their  hearing  the  still  small  voice.  No  storm  has 
been  violent  enough  to  divert  inspired  men  from  constantly 
carrying  the  word  of  truth.  The  contests  of  the  day  have 
but  been  preparations  for  victories  on  the  morrow.  Through 
it  all  our  country  has  acquired  an  underlying  power  of 
judgment  and  stability  of  action  which  has  never  failed  it. 
It  furnishes  its  own  answer  to  those  who  would  defame  it. 
It  can  afford  to  be  oblivious  to  those  who  would  detract 
from  it.  America  continues  its  own  way  unchallenged  and 
unafraid.  Above  all  attacks  and  all  vicissitudes  it  has 
arisen  calm  and  triumphant;  not  perfect,  but  marching  on 
guided  in  its  great  decisions  by  the  same  spirit  which  guided 
Francis  Asbury. 



It  is  our  earnest  wish  to  cooperate  and  to  help  in  I 

every  possible  way  in  restoring  the  unfortunate 

countries  of  the  Old  World.     We  want  to  help  I 

them  to  rid  themselves  of  the  bad  traditions, 
the  ancient  animosities,  the  long  established 
hostilities.  We  want  our  America  to  continue 
an  example  and  a  demonstration  that  peace, 
harmony,  cooperation  and  a  truly  national  patri- 
otic sentiment  may  be  established  and  perpetu- 
ated on  an  American  scale.  We  believe  our  first 
great  service  to  the  Old  World  will  be  in  proving  a 

this.    And  in  proving  it,  we  shall  be  doing  the  I 

things  that  will  best  equip  us,  spiritually  and 
materially,  to  give  the  most  effective  help 
toward  relieving  the  suffering  nations  of  the  Old  j 




The  members  of  this  delegation,  whom  I  have  much 
pleasure  in  receiving,  are  all  American  citizens  who  chance 
to  have  been  born  in  other  countries  than  our  own.  You 
have  called  upon  me  to  testify  for  yourselves  and  the  mil- 
lions of  others  who,  though  not  natives  to  our  soil,  are  in 
every  other  respect  thorough-going,  loyal  and  devoted 
Americans.  I  am  glad  to  welcome  you,  not  only  to  this 
place,  but  to  the  full  privileges  and  opportunities,  and  espe- 
cially to  the  full  responsibilities  and  duties,  of  American 
citizens.  It  is  not  very  long,  as  history  views  matters,  since 
all  of  us  were  alien  to  this  soil.  I  suppose  that  if  Methu- 
selah were  at  this  time  an  American  in  his  period  of  middle 
life,  and  should  drop  in  on  our  little  party,  he  would  regard 
us  all  as  upstarts.  Fortunately,  American  ideas  of  hospital- 
ity have  been  greatly  modified  since  the  times  when  some  of 
my  early  American  forbears  argued  the  matter  with  the 
Indian  known  as  King  Philip.  He  and  his  Indian  sup- 
porters regarded  themselves  as  the  real  Americans,  and 
maintained  their  case  all  too  effectively. 

It  is  a  truism,  of  course,  but  it  is  none  the  less  a  fact 
which  we  must  never  forget,  that  this  continent  and  this 
American  community  have  been  blessed  with  an  unparal- 
leled capacity  for  assimilating  peoples  of  varying  races  and 
nations.  The  continuing  migration  which  in  three  centuries 
has  established  here  this  nation  of  more  than  a  hundred 
million,  has  been  the  greatest  that  history  records  as  taking 
place  in  any  such  brief  period.    Viewing  it  historically,  we 

To  a  delegation  of  foreign-born  citizens  at  the  White  House,  Thursday 
morning,  October  16,  1924 



find  that  the  migration  to  America  was  little  more  than  a 
westward  projection  of  the  series  of  great  movements  of 
peoples,  by  which  Europe  was  given  its  present  popula- 
tion. But  there  is  a  striking  difference  between  the  migra- 
tions into  Europe,  and  the  later  movements  of  the  same 
racial  elements  to  the  New  World. 

It  was  the  fate  of  Europe  to  be  always  a  battleground. 
Differences  in  race,  in  religion,  in  political  genius  and  social 
ideals,  seemed  always,  in  the  atmosphere  of  our  mother 
continent,  to  be  invitations  to  contest  by  battle.  From 
the  dawn  of  history,  and  we  can  only  conjecture  how  much 
longer,  the  conflicts  of  races  and  civilizations,  of  traditions 
and  usages,  have  gone  on.  It  is  one  of  the  anomalies  of  the 
human  story  that  these  peoples,  who  could  not  be  assimi- 
lated and  unified  under  the  skies  of  Europe,  should  on  com- 
ing to  America  discover  an  amazing  genius  for  cooperation, 
for  fusion,  and  for  harmonious  effort.  Yet  they  were  the 
same  people  when  they  came  here  that  they  had  been  on 
the  other  side  of  the  Atlantic.  Quite  apparently,  they 
found  something  in  our  institutions,  something  in  the 
American  system  of  Government  and  society  which  they 
themselves  helped  to  construct,  that  furnished  to  all  of 
them  a  political  and  cultural  common  denominator. 

Is  it  possible  for  us  to  make  an  analysis  which  will  dis- 
close this  element  that  has  wrought  such  a  strangely  differ- 
ent result  here  in  our  country?  It  must  be  an  element  that 
was  present  among  the  peoples  of  Europe  while  they  were 
still  in  Europe.  It  could  not  have  been  brought  here  except 
by  them.  There  has  been  nobody  else  to  bring  it.  The 
original  human  materials  were  the  same  in  both  cases. 

It  has  seemed  to  me  that  our  search  for  this  mysterious 
factor  of  difference  must  lead  to  the  conclusion  that  it  was 
not  a  single  factor  but  the  united  workings  of  at  least 
three  forces,  that  brought  about  the  wide  difference. 
Among  these  I  should  place,  first,  the  broadly  tolerant  atti- 


tude  that  has  been  a  characteristic  of  this  country.  I  use 
the  word  in  its  most  inclusive  sense,  to  cover  tolerance  of 
religious  opinion,  tolerance  in  politics,  tolerance  in  social 
relationships;  in  general,  the  liberal  attitude  of  every  citi- 
zen toward  his  fellows.  It  is  this  factor  which  has  preserved 
to  all  of  us  that  equality  of  opportunity  which  enables 
every  American  to  become  the  architect  of  whatever  for- 
tune he  deserves. 

Along  with  this  element  of  universal  tolerance,  I  should 
couple  our  Republican  system  of  Government,  which  gives 
to  every  man  a  share  and  a  responsibility  in  the  direction 
of  public  affairs.  And  third,  I  should  place  our  system  of 
universal  free  education. 

I  shall  not  quarrel  with  anybody  who  chooses  to  give 
these  three  factors  a  different  order  of  importance.  That 
is  a  matter  for  individual  judgment.  But  I  do  believe  that 
these  three  factors  largely  represent  the  advantages  which 
our  people  have  enjoyed,  and  which  have  made  it  possible 
for  them  to  build  here  a  great,  harmonious,  liberal,  com- 
munity of  free  people.  Starting  anew  in  a  land  of  almost 
unlimited  natural  opportunity,  the  early  settlers  found  that 
the  success  of  their  nation-building  experiments  must  de- 
pend upon  their  working  harmoniously  together,  sinking 
non-essential  differences,  cooperating  frankly  and  sincerely 
in  the  general  interest,  and,  above  all  else,  forgetting  the 
ancient  antagonisms.  It  has  been  our  good  fortune  that  we 
have  been  able  to  shake  off  the  old  traditions,  to  strike 
hands  with  our  neighbor  in  the  common  effort  to  preserve 
our  new-found  liberties.  And  along  with  this,  through  our 
system  of  universal  education,  we  have  been  able  to  guard 
against  the  revival  of  old,  or  the  creation  of  new  regional 
or  group  hostilities. 

You  who  represent  the  more  recent  accretions  to  our 
population,  know  how  generously  you  have  been  received. 
You  know  how  free  and  unquestioned  has  been  your  access 


to  the  opportunities  of  this  land.  You  have  been  expected 
to  do  your  honest  share  of  the  day's  work  in  a  community 
which  ranked  productive  toil  as  a  distinction  rather  than 
a  degradation.  We  have  all  taken  our  chance  on  that  con- 
dition. Because  we  have  been  willing  to  do  so,  we  have 
been  prospered  in  material  things  and,  what  is  ever  more 
worth  while,  in  the  things  of  the  spirit.  Generation  after 
generation,  from  the  beginnings  of  permanent  settlement 
here,  the  country  has  been  able  to  receive  and  absorb  a 
great  number  of  newcomers  from  the  older  countries.  That 
was  possible  so  long  as  there  was  cheap  land  for  settlement, 
and  the  assurance  that  industry  could  put  value  into  it. 

But  with  the  passing  of  the  day  of  lands  so  cheap  as  to 
be  well-nigh  free,  we  are  coming  to  confront  a  new  set  of 
conditions.  It  has  been  found  necessary  to  inquire  whether 
under  these  new  conditions  we  can  be  sure  of  finding  em- 
ployment for  the  diverse  elements  and  enormous  numbers 
of  new  immigrants  that  are  offered  to  us.  We  are  all 
agreed,  whether  we  be  Americans  of  the  first  or  of  the 
seventh  generation  on  this  soil,  that  it  is  not  desirable  to 
receive  more  immigrants  than  can  reasonably  be  assured  of 
bettering  their  condition  by  coming  here.  For  the  sake 
both  of  those  who  would  come  and  more  especially  of  those 
already  here,  it  has  been  thought  wise  to  avoid  the  danger 
of  increasing  our  numbers  too  fast.  It  is  not  a  reflection 
on  any  race  or  creed.  We  might  not  be  able  to  support 
them  if  their  numbers  were  too  great.  In  such  event,  the 
first  sufferers  would  be  the  most  recent  immigrants,  unac- 
customed to  our  life  and  language  and  industrial  methods. 
We  want  to  keep  wages  and  living  conditions  good  for 
everyone  who  is  now  here  or  who  may  come  here. 

As  a  Nation,  our  first  duty  must  be  to  those  who  are 
already  our  inhabitants,  whether  native  or  immigrants.  To 
them  we  owe  an  especial  and  a  weighty  obligation.  They 
came  to  us  with  stout  hearts  and  high  hopes  of  bettering 


their  estate.  They  have  contributed  much  to  making  our 
country  what  it  is.  They  magnificently  proved  their  loyalty 
by  contributing  their  full  part  when  the  war  made  demand 
for  sacrifices  by  all  Americans. 

It  must  be  the  hope  of  every  American  citizen  to  main- 
tain here  as  a  permanent  establishment,  and  as  a  perpetual 
inheritance  for  Americans  of  the  future,  the  full  measure  of 
benefits  and  advantages  which  our  people  have  been  privi- 
leged to  enjoy.  It  is  our  earnest  wish  to  cooperate  and  to 
help  in  every  possible  way  in  restoring  the  unfortunate 
countries  of  the  Old  World.  We  want  to  help  them  to  rid 
themselves  of  the  bad  traditions,  the  ancient  animosities, 
the  long  established  hostilities.  We  want  our  America  to 
continue  an  example  and  a  demonstration  that  peace,  har- 
money,  cooperation  and  a  truly  national  patriotic  sentiment 
may  be  established  and  perpetuated  on  an  American  scale. 
We  believe  our  first  great  service  to  the  Old  World  will  be 
in  proving  this.  And  in  proving  it,  we  shall  be  doing  the 
things  that  will  best  equip  us,  spiritually  and  materially, 
to  give  the  most  effective  help  toward  relieving  the  suffer- 
ing nations  of  the  Old  World. 

You  have  demonstrated  again  and  again  that  it  is  useless 
to  appeal  to  you  on  any  thing  but  patriotic  motives.  You 
are  for  America,  you  are  for  our  Constitution,  you  will  not 
be  tempted  to  take  any  action  that  will  imperil  our  society 
or  our  Government. 

It  is  the  natural  and  correct  attitude  of  mind  for  each 
of  us  to  have  regard  for  our  own  race  and  the  place  of  our 
own  origin.  There  is  abundant  room  here  for  the  preser- 
vation and  development  of  the  many  divergent  virtues 
that  are  characteristic  of  the  different  races  which  have 
made  America  their  home.  They  ought  to  cling  to  all  these 
virtues  and  cultivate  them  tenaciously.  It  is  my  own  belief 
that  in  this  land  of  freedom  new  arrivals  should  especially 
keep  up  their  devotion  to  religion.    Disregarding  the  need 


of  the  individual  for  a  religious  life,  I  feel  that  there  is  a 
more  urgent  necessity,  based  on  the  requirements  of  good 
citizenship  and  the  maintenance  of  our  institutions,  for 
devotion  to  religion  in  America  than  anywhere  else  in  the 
world.  One  of  the  greatest  dangers  that  beset  those  coming 
to  this  country,  especially  those  of  the  younger  generation, 
is  that  they  will  fall  away  from  the  religion  of  their  fathers, 
and  never  become  attached  to  any  other  faith. 

But  in  cherishing  all  that  is  best  in  the  land  of  your 
origin,  and  in  desiring  the  highest  welfare  of  the  people  of 
the  old  home,  the  question  arises  as  to  how  that  result  can 
best  be  secured.  I  know  that  there  is  no  better  American 
spirit  than  that  which  is  exhibited  by  many  of  those  who 
have  recently  come  to  our  shores.  It  is  my  belief  that  those 
who  live  here  and  really  want  to  help  some  other  country, 
can  best  accomplish  that  result  by  making  themselves  truly 
and  wholly  American.  I  mean  by  that,  giving  their  first 
allegiance  to  this  country  and  always  directing  their  actions 
in  a  course  which  will  be  first  of  all  for  the  best  interests  of 
this  country.  They  cannot  help  other  nations  by  bringing 
old  world  race  prejudices  and  race  hatreds  into  action  here. 
In  fact,  they  can  best  help  other  countries  by  scrupulously 
avoiding  any  such  motives.  It  can  be  taken  for  granted 
that  we  all  wish  to  help  Europe.  We  cannot  secure  that 
result  by  proposing  or  taking  any  action  that  would  injure 
America.  Nor  can  we  secure  it  by  proposing  or  taking  any 
action  that  would  seriously  injure  some  European  country. 
The  spirit  of  America  is  to  help  everybody  and  injure  no- 
body. We  can  be  in  a  position  to  help  only  by  unifying 
the  American  nation,  building  it  up,  making  it  strong,  keep- 
ing it  independent,  using  its  inclination  to  help  and  its 
disclination  to  injure.  Those  who  cast  in  their  lot  with 
this  country  can  be  true  to  the  land  of  their  origin  only 
by  first  being  true  to  America.  When  the  public  sees  and 
realizes  that  racial  groups  here  are  first  of  all  devoted  to 


the  interests  of  this  country,  there  will  be  little  difficulty 
in  securing  here  the  present  needed  help  and  assistance  for 
the  countries  of  the  old  world. 

This  is  the  main  thought  which  your  presence  here  brings 
to  my  mind.  Let  us  maintain  all  the  high  ideals  which 
have  been  characteristic  of  our  different  races  at  home. 
Let  us  keep  our  desire  to  help  other  lands  as  a  great  and 
broad  principle,  not  to  help  in  one  place  and  do  harm  in 
another,  but  to  render  assistance  everywhere.  Let  us  re- 
member also  that  the  best  method  of  promoting  this  action 
is  by  giving  undivided  allegiance  to  America,  maintaining 
its  institutions,  supporting  its  Government,  and,  by  leaving 
it  internally  harmonious,  making  it  eternally  powerful  in 
promoting  a  reign  of  justice  and  mercy  throughout  the 




/  regard  a  good  budget  as  among  the  noblest 
monuments  oj  virtue. 




II  |l 




When  the  Committee  representing  your  Federation 
brought  me  the  invitation  to  address  you  this  evening,  I 
did  not  receive  them  with  any  very  profound  enthusiasm. 
To  be  confidential  for  a  moment,  I  may  confess  that  an  in- 
vitation to  make  a  speech  is  not  the  rarest  experience  that 
comes  into  a  President's  life.  But  I  listened  with,  I  hope, 
proper  politeness,  down  to  the  point  where  your  spokesman 
started  explaining  that  you  were  to  devote  an  evening  to 
the  consideration  of  a  budget.  Then  I  began  to  take  real 
interest,  for  the  budget  idea,  I  may  admit,  is  a  sort  of 
obsession  with  me.  I  believe  in  budgets.  I  want  other 
people  to  believe  in  them.  I  have  had  a  small  one  to  run 
my  own  home;  and  besides  that,  I  am  the  head  of  the 
organization  that  makes  the  greatest  of  all  budgets — that 
of  the  United  States  Government.  Do  you  wonder,  then, 
that  at  times  I  dream  of  balance  sheets  and  sinking  funds, 
and  deficits,  and  tax  rates,  and  all  the  rest? 

Yes,  I  regard  a  good  budget  as  among  the  noblest  monu- 
ments of  virtue.  It  is  deserving  of  all  emulation ;  but  there 
are  other  topics  that  afford  more  obvious  inspiration  to 
popular  oratory.  So  when  I  found  that  you  actually 
wanted  a  budget  speech,  I  felt  a  warming  sense  of  gratitude. 
Anybody  who  would  deliberately  ask  for  a  budget  speech 
ought  to  be  accommodated.  I  accepted  the  invitation,  and 
now  I  want  to  begin  by  extending  my  hearty  compliments 
to  my  audience.  Your  practical  interest  in  the  budget  plan, 
your  adoption  of  it  as  the  basis  of  your  great  charity  sys- 

Address  delivered  over  the  telephone  from  the  White  House  to  the 
Federation  of  Jewish  Philanthropic  Societies  of  New  York  City,  assembled 
at  the  Hotel  Pennsylvania,  October  26,  1924. 



tern,  is  a  fine  accomplishment.  Wherever  the  same  plan 
has  been  adopted,  in  the  financing  of  benevolences,  philan- 
thropies and  charities  through  the  "Community  Chest" 
method,  it  has  been  productive  of  the  best  results.  It  has 
eliminated  the  waste  of  indiscriminate  charity;  but  that 
is  not  by  any  means  its  most  commendable  accomplish- 
ment. Far  more  useful,  I  think,  is  the  service  it  has  done 
in  organizing  these  works  of  human  helpfulness  so  that  we 
may  be  sure  they  will  not  do  more  harm  than  good.  Noth- 
ing is  finer  than  the  open  hand  and  the  generous  heart  that 
prompt  free  and  unselfish  giving.  But  modern  social  science 
knows,  also,  that  ill-directed  charity  is  often  directly  re- 
sponsible for  encouragement  of  pauperism  and  mendicancy. 
The  best  service  we  can  do  for  the  needy  and  the  unfor- 
tunate is  to  help  them  in  such  manner  that  their  self- 
respect,  their  ability  to  help  themselves,  shall  not  be  in- 
jured but  augmented  Nobody  is  necessarily  out  merely 
because  he  is  down.  But,  being  down,  nobody  gets  up 
again  without  honest  effort  of  his  own.  The  best  help  that 
benevolence  and  philanthropy  can  give  is  that  which  in- 
duces everybody  to  help  himself. 

Your  Federation  for  the  Support  of  Jewish  Philanthropic 
Societies  in  New  York  is  the  central  financial  agency,  I  am 
told,  for  no  less  than  ninety-one  various  philanthropies, 
which  receive  annual  support  aggregating  $7,000,000. 
Among  them  are  hospitals,  orphanages,  a  great  relief  so- 
ciety, a  loaning  organization,  a  home  for  Aged  and  Infirm. 
The  Young  Men's  Hebrew  Association  and  the  Young 
Women's  Hebrew  Association  do  social  and  educational 
work  of  the  greatest  value.  Especial  attention  is  devoted 
indeed  to  educational  effort  for  which  technical  schools  are 
maintained.  That  is,  of  course,  precisely  what  we  should 
expect  from  a  great  Jewish  organization ;  for  the  Jews  are 
always  among  the  first  to  appreciate  and  to  utilize  educa- 
tional opportunities. 


Into  this  entire  system  of  communal  services,  reaching 
to  every  possible  department  of  social  relations,  the  Federa- 
tion brings  order  and  a  proper  inter-relationship.  Dupli- 
cation of  services,  which  always  means  multiplication  of 
expense  and  division  of  results,  is  avoided.  The  man  or 
woman  who  gives  through  this  agency,  knows  that  the  most 
good  will  be  done,  at  the  least  expense.  All  administrative 
costs  of  the  organization  have  averaged  less  than  four  cents 
on  the  dollar.  Other  "Community  Chest"  activities,  which 
in  recent  years  are  getting  spread  all  about  the  country, 
make  like  showings  of  efficiency  and  economical  manage- 
ment. They  have  been  able,  just  as  your  Federation  has 
been  able,  to  enlist  the  best  abilities,  the  most  skilled  direc- 
tion, the  widest  experience,  in  systematizing  operations 
that  ordinarily  are  haphazard  and  wasteful. 

But,  with  all  of  my  regard  for  the  strictly  business  aspect 
of  this  splendid  modern  program,  I  must  emphasize  once 
more  that  to  me  the  greatest  good  of  these  communal  or- 
ganizations of  benevolence  lies  in  their  immeasurably 
greater  capacity  for  real  good.  There  is  an  impressive 
array  of  testimony  that  the  average  dollar  of  indiscriminate, 
well-meaning,  ignorant  donation  to  charity  is  mostly 
wasted.  Many  such  dollars  are  far  worse  than  wasted. 
You  seek  no  cold  and  heartless  elimination  of  sentiment 
from  your  charitable  works.  You  have,  however,  sought 
to  substitute  sense  for  sentimentality;  and  that  is  alto- 
gether to  be  desired. 

The  Jewish  people  have  always  and  everywhere  been 
particularly  devoted  to  the  ideal  of  taking  care  of  their 
own.  This  Federation  is  one  of  the  monuments  to  their 
independence  and  self-reliance.  They  have  sought  to  pro- 
tect and  preserve  that  wonderful  inheritance  of  tradition, 
culture,  literature  and  religion,  which  has  placed  the  world 
under  so  many  obligations  to  them.  In  their  efforts  to 
serve  their  own  highest  ideals,  they  will  always  be  helpful 



to  the  wider  community  of  which  they  are  a  part.  In  the 
work  of  this  Federation  they  are  rendering  a  service  not 
only  to  their  own  people,  but  to  the  entire  community. 
Along  with  that  precious  service,  they  are  setting  up  an 
example  of  successful  practical,  helpful  business  administra- 
tion which  deserves  all  commendation.  It  may  well  be  an 
inspiration  to  every  charitable  agency  in  the  land. 

I  want  you  to  know  that  I  feel  you  are  making  good 
citizens,  that  you  are  strengthening  the  Government,  that 
you  are  demonstrating  the  supremacy  of  the  spiritual  life 
and  helping  establish  the  Kingdom  of  God  on  earth. 



The  people  of  our  country  are  sovereign.     If  H| 

they  do  not  vote  they  abdicate  that  sovereignty, 

and  they  may  be  entirely  sure  that  if  they  relin-  91 

quish  it  other  forces  will  seize  it,  and  if  they  fail 

to  govern  themselves  some  other  power  will  rise 

up  to  govern  them.    The  choice  is  always  before 

them — whether  they  will  be  slaves  or  whether  *! 

they  will  be  free.  | 





The  institutions  of  our  country  rest  upon  faith  in  the 
people.  No  decision  that  the  people  have  made  in  any- 
great  crisis  has  ever  shown  that  faith  in  them  has  been 
misplaced.  It  is  impossible  to  divorce  that  faith  which  we 
have  in  others  from  the  faith  which  we  have  in  ourselves. 
The  right  action  of  all  of  us  is  made  up  of  the  right  action 
of  each  one  of  us.  Unless  each  of  us  is  determined  to 
meet  the  duty  that  comes  to  us,  we  can  have  no  right  to 
expect  that  others  will  meet  the  duties  that  come  to  them. 
Certainly  we  cannot  expect  them  so  to  act  as  to  save  us 
from  the  consequences  of  having  failed  to  act.  The  imme- 
diate and  pressing  obligation  for  tomorrow  is  that  each 
one  of  us  who  is  qualified  shall  vote.  That  is  a  function 
which  cannot  be  delegated,  which  cannot  be  postponed. 
The  opportunity  will  never  arise  again.  If  the  individual 
fails  to  discharge  that  obligation,  the  whole  nation  will 
suffer  a  loss  from  that  neglect. 

America,  more  thoroughly  than  any  other  country,  has 
adopted  a  system  of  self-government.  Sometimes  we  refer 
to  it  as  the  rule  of  the  people.  Certainly  it  is  a  system 
under  which  there  is  every  opportunity  for  self-government 
and  every  encouragement  for  the  people  to  rule.  Ours  has 
been  described  as  a  government  of  public  opinion.  Of 
course,  public  opinion  functions  all  the  time.  It  no  doubt 
has  its  influence  on  the  actions  of  the  executive  and  legisla- 
tive branches  of  our  Government,  and  even  though  it  be 
imperceptible  on  any  given  occasion  it  is  probably,  as  time 
passes,  reflected  in  the  courts.  But  all  the  influence  of  pub- 
Address  by  radio  from  the  White  House,  November  3,  1924. 



lie  opinion,  all  the  opportunity  for  self-government  through 
the  rule  of  the  people,  depends  upon  one  single  factor. 
That  is  the  ballot  box.  If  the  time  comes  when  our  citizens 
fail  to  respond  to  their  right  and  duty,  individually  and 
collectively,  intelligently  and  effectively  at  the  ballot  box 
on  election  day,  I  do  not  know  what  form  of  government 
will  be  substituted  for  that  which  we  at  present  have  the 
opportunity  to  enjoy,  but  I  do  know  it  will  no  longer  be 
a  rule  of  the  people,  it  will  no  longer  be  self-government. 
The  people  of  our  country  are  sovereign.  If  they  do  not 
vote  they  abdicate  that  sovereignty,  and  they  may  be  en- 
tirely sure  that  if  they  relinquish  it  other  forces  will  seize 
it,  and  if  they  fail  to  govern  themselves  some  other  power 
will  rise  up  to  govern  them.  The  choice  is  always  before 
them — whether  they  will  be  slaves  or  whether  they  will  be 
free.  The  only  way  to  be  free  is  to  exercise  actively  and 
energetically  the  privileges,  and  discharge  faithfully  the 
duties  which  make  freedom.  It  is  not  to  be  secured  by 
passive  resistance.    It  is  the  result  of  energy  and  action. 

To  live  up  to  the  full  measure  of  citizenship  in  this  na- 
tion requires  not  only  action,  but  it  requires  intelligent 
action.  It  is  necessary  to  secure  information  and  to  acquire 
education.  The  background  of  our  citizenship  is  the  meet- 
ing house  and  the  school  house,  the  place  of  religious  wor- 
ship and  the  place  of  intellectual  training.  But  we  cannot 
abandon  our  education  at  the  school  house  door.  We  have 
to  keep  it  up  through  life.  A  political  campaign  can  be 
justified  only  on  the  grounds  that  it  enables  the  citizens  to 
become  informed  as  to  what  policies  are  best  for  themselves 
and  for  their  country,  in  order  that  they  may  vote  to  elect 
those  who  from  their  past  record  and  present  professions 
they  know  will  put  such  policies  into  effect.  The  purpose 
of  a  campaign  is  to  send  an  intelligent  and  informed  voter 
to  the  ballot  box.  All  the  speeches,  all  the  literature,  all 
the  organization,  all  the  effort,  all  the  time  and  all  the 


money,  which  are  not  finally  registered  on  election  day, 
are  wasted. 

We  are  always  confronted  with  the  question  of  whether 
we  wish  to  be  ruled  by  all  the  people  or  a  part  of  the  peo- 
ple, by  the  minority  or  the  majority ;  whether  we  wish  our 
elections  to  be  dominated  by  those  who  have  been  misled, 
through  the  presentation  of  half  truths,  into  the  formation 
of  hasty,  illogical  and  unsound  conclusions ;  or  whether  we 
wish  those  to  determine  the  course  of  our  Government  who 
have  through  due  deliberation  and  careful  consideration 
of  all  the  factors  involved  reached  a  sound  and  mature  con- 
clusion. We  shall  always  have  with  us  an  element  of  dis- 
content, an  element  inspired  with  more  zeal  than  knowl- 
edge. They  will  always  be  active  and  energetic,  and  they 
seldom  fail  to  vote  on  election  day.  But  the  people  at 
large  in  this  country  are  not  represented  by  them.  They 
are  greatly  in  the  minority.  But  their  number  is  large 
enough  to  be  a  decisive  factor  in  many  elections,  unless  it 
is  offset  by  the  sober  second  thought  of  the  people  who 
have  something  at  stake,  whether  it  be  earnings  from  in- 
vestment or  from  employment,  who  are  considering  not 
only  their  own  welfare,  but  the  welfare  of  their  children 
and  of  coming  generations.  Our  institutions  never  con- 
templated that  the  conduct  of  this  country,  the  direction  of 
its  affairs,  the  adoption  of  its  policies,  the  maintenance  of 
its  principles,  should  be  decided  by  a  minority  moved  in 
part  by  self-interest  and  prejudice.  They  were  framed  on 
the  theory  that  decisions  would  be  made  by  the  great  body 
of  voters  inspired  by  patriotic  motives.  Faith  in  the  people 
does  not  mean  faith  in  a  part  of  the  people.  It  means  faith 
in  all  the  people.  Our  country  is  always  safe  when  decisions 
are  made  by  a  majority  of  those  who  are  entitled  to  vote. 
It  is  always  in  peril  when  decisions  are  made  by  a  minority. 

Lately  we  have  added  to  our  voting  population  the 
womanhood  of  the  nation.    I  do  not  suppose  that  George 


Washington  could  be  counted  as  one  who  would  have  fa- 
vored placing  upon  the  women  of  his  time  the  duty  and 
responsibility  of  taking  part  in  elections.  Nevertheless 
he  had  seen  a  deep  realization  of  the  importance  of  their 
influence  upon  public  affairs  at  the  time  when  we  were 
adopting  our  Federal  Constitution,  that  he  wrote  to  one  of 
them  as  follows: 

"A  spirit  of  accommodation  was  happily  infused  into 
the  leading  characters  of  the  continent  and  the  minds  of 
men  were  gradually  prepared,  by  disappointment,  for  the 
reception  of  a  good  government.  Nor  could  I  rob  the  fairer 
sex  of  their  share  in  the  glory  of  a  revolution  so  honorable 
to  human  nature,  for,  indeed,  I  think  you  ladies  are  in  the 
number  of  the  best  patriots  America  can  boast. " 

The  praise  of  Washington  was  none  too  high.  Without 
doubt  the  intuition  of  the  women  of  his  day  was  quick  to 
reveal  what  a  high  promise  the  patriotic  efforts  of  Wash- 
ington and  his  associates  held  out  for  the  homes  and  for 
the  children  of  our  new  and  unfolding  republic.  What  was 
then  done  by  indirect  influence  is  now  possible  through 
direct  action.  The  continuing  welfare  of  the  home,  the 
continuing  hope  of  the  children,  are  no  longer  represented 
by  an  expectation.  Experience  has  made  them  the  great 
reality  of  America.  If  the  women  of  that  day  were  willing 
to  support  what  was  only  a  vision,  a  promise,  surely  in 
this  day  they  will  be  willing  to  go  to  the  ballot  box  to  sup- 
port what  has  become  an  actual  and  permanent  realization 
of  their  desires. 

But  the  right  to  vote  is  conferred  upon  our  citizens  not 
only  that  they  may  exercise  it  for  their  own  benefit,  but  in 
order  that  they  may  exercise  it  also  for  the  benefit  of  others. 
Persons  who  have  the  right  to  vote  are  trustees  for  the 
benefit  of  their  country  and  their  countrymen.  They  have 
no  right  to  say  they  do  not  care.  They  must  care.  They 
have  no  right  to  say  that  whatever  the  result  of  the  election 


they  can  get  along.  They  must  remember  that  their  coun- 
try and  their  countrymen  cannot  get  along,  cannot  remain 
sound,  cannot  preserve  its  institutions,  cannot  protect  its 
citizens,  cannot  maintain  its  place  in  the  world,  unless  those 
who  have  the  right  to  vote  do  sustain  and  do  guide  the 
course  of  public  affairs  by  the  thoughtful  exercise  of  that 
right  on  election  day.  They  do  not  hold  a  mere  privilege 
to  be  exercised  or  not,  as  passing  fancy  may  move  them. 
They  are  charged  with  a  great  trust,  one  of  the  most  im- 
portant and  most  solemn  which  can  be  given  into  the  keep- 
ing of  an  American  citizen.  It  should  be  discharged 
thoughtfully  and  seriously,  in  accordance  with  its  vast  im- 

I  therefore  urge  upon  all  the  voters  of  our  country,  with- 
out reference  to  party,  that  they  assemble  tomorrow  at 
their  respective  voting  places  in  the  exercise  of  the  high 
office  of  American  citizenship,  that  they  approach  the  ballot 
box  in  the  spirit  that  they  would  approach  a  sacrament, 
and  there,  disregarding  all  appeals  to  passion  and  prejudice, 
dedicating  themselves  truly  and  wholly  to  the  welfare  of 
their  country,  they  make  their  choice  of  public  officers 
solely  in  the  light  of  their  own  conscience.  When  an  elec- 
tion is  so  held,  when  a  choice  is  so  made,  it  results  in  the 
real  rule  of  the  people,  it  warrants  and  sustains  the  belief 
that  the  voice  of  the  people  is  the  voice  of  God. 


III*   I 




XX  ill 

It  is  all  the  more  necessary  under  a  system  of 

free  government  that  the  people  should  be  en- 
lightened,   that    they   should   be   correctly   in- 
formed, than  it  is  under  an  absolute  government  '" 
that  they  should  be  ignorant. 





The  relationship  between  governments  and  the  press  has 
always  been  recognized  as  a  matter  of  large  importance. 
Wherever  despotism  abounds,  the  sources  of  public  infor- 
mation are  the  first  to  be  brought  under  its  control.  Where- 
ever  the  cause  of  liberty  is  making  its  way,  one  of  its 
highest  accomplishments  is  the  guarantee  of  the  freedom 
of  the  press.  It  has  always  been  realized,  sometimes  in- 
stinctively, oftentimes  expressly,  that  truth  and  freedom 
are  inseparable.  An  absolutism  could  never  rest  upon  any- 
thing save  a  perverted  and  distorted  view  of  human  rela- 
tionships and  upon  false  standards  set  up  and  maintained 
by  force.  It  has  always  found  it  necessary  to  attempt  to 
dominate  the  entire  field  of  education  and  instruction.  It 
has  thrived  on  ignorance.  While  it  has  sought  to  train  the 
minds  of  a  few,  it  has  been  largely  with  the  purpose  of 
attempting  to  give  them  a  superior  facility  for  misleading 
the  many.  Men  have  been  educated  under  absolutism,  not 
that  they  might  bear  witness  to  the  truth,  but  that  they 
might  be  the  more  ingenious  advocates  and  defenders  of 
false  standards  and  hollow  pretenses.  This  has  always 
been  the  method  of  privilege,  the  method  of  class  and  caste, 
the  method  of  master  and  slave. 

When  a  community  has  sufficiently  advanced  so  that  its 
government  begins  to  take  on  that  of  the  nature  of  a  re- 
public, the  processes  of  education  become  even  more  im- 
portant, but  the  method  is  necessarily  reversed.  It  is  all 
the  more  necessary  under  a  system  of  free  government  that 

Address  before  the  American  Society  of  Newspaper  Editors  in  Wash- 
ington, January  17,  1925. 



the  people  should  be  enlightened,  that  they  should  be  cor- 
rectly informed,  than  it  is  under  an  absolute  government 
that  they  should  be  ignorant.  Under  a  republic  the  insti- 
tutions of  learning,  while  bound  by  the  constitution  and 
laws,  are  in  no  way  subservient  to  the  government.  The 
principles  which  they  enunciate  do  not  depend  for  their 
authority  upon  whether  they  square  with  the  wish  of  the 
ruling  dynasty,  but  whether  they  square  with  the  everlast- 
ing truth.  Under  these  conditions  the  press,  which  had 
before  been  made  an  instrument  for  concealing  or  pervert- 
ing the  facts,  must  be  made  an  instrument  for  their  true 
representation  and  their  sound  and  logical  interpretation. 
From  the  position  of  a  mere  organ,  constantly  bound  to 
servitude,  public  prints  rise  to  a  dignity,  not  only  of  inde- 
pendence, but  of  a  great  educational  and  enlightening  fac- 
tor. They  attain  new  powers,  which  it  is  almost  impossible 
to  measure,  and  become  charged  with  commensurate  re- 

The  public  press  under  an  autocracy  is  necessarily  a  true 
agency  of  propaganda.  Under  a  free  government  it  must 
be  the  very  reverse.  Propaganda  seeks  to  present  a  part 
of  the  facts,  to  distort  their  relations,  and  to  force  conclu- 
sions which  could  not  be  drawn  from  a  complete  and  candid 
survey  of  all  the  facts.  It  has  been  observed  that  propa- 
ganda seeks  to  close  the  mind,  while  education  seeks  to 
open  it.  This  has  become  one  of  the  dangers  of  the  pres- 
ent day. 

The  great  difficulty  in  combating  unfair  propaganda,  or 
even  in  recognizing  it,  arises  from  the  fact*  that  at  the  pres- 
ent time  we  confront  so  many  new  and  technical  problems 
that  it  is  an  enormous  task  to  keep  ourselves  accurately 
informed  concerning  them.  In  this  respect,  you  gentlemen 
of  the  press  face  the  same  perplexities  that  are  encountered 
by  legislators  and  government  administrators.  Whoever 
deals  with  current  public  questions  is  compelled  to  rely 


greatly  upon  the  information  and  judgments  of  experts  and 
specialists.  Unfortunately,  not  all  experts  are  to  be  trusted 
as  entirely  disinterested.  Not  all  specialists  are  completely 
without  guile.  In  our  increasing  dependence  on  specialized 
authority,  we  tend  to  become  easier  victims  for  the  propa- 
gandists, and  need  to  cultivate  sedulously  the  habit  of  the 
open  mind.  No  doubt  every  generation  feels  that  its  prob- 
lems are  the  most  intricate  and  baffling  that  have  ever  been 
presented  for  solution.  But  with  all  recognition  of  the  dis- 
position to  exaggerate  in  this  respect,  I  think  we  can  fairly 
say  that  our  times  in  all  their  social  and  economic  aspects 
are  more  complex  than  any  past  period.  We  need  to  keep 
our  minds  free  from  prejudice  and  bias.  Of  education,  and 
of  real  information  we  cannot  get  too  much.  But  of  propa- 
ganda, which  is  tainted  or  perverted  information,  we  cannot 
have  too  little. 

Newspaper  men,  therefore,  endlessly  discuss  the  question 
of  what  is  news.  I  judge  that  they  will  go  on  discussing  it 
as  long  as  there  are  newspapers.  It  has  seemed  to  me  that 
quite  obviously  the  news-giving  function  of  a  newspaper 
cannot  possibly  require  that  it  give  a  photographic  presen- 
tation of  everything  that  happens  in  the  community.  That 
is  an  obvious  impossibility.  It  seems  fair  to  say  that  the 
proper  presentation  of  the  news  bears  about  the  same  re- 
lation to  the  whole  field  of  happenings  that  a  painting  does 
to  a  photograph.  The  photograph  might  give  the  more 
accurate  presentation  of  details,  but  in  doing  so  it  might 
sacrifice  the  opportunity  the  more  clearly  to  delineate  char- 
acter. My  college  professor  was  wont  to  tell  us  a  good 
many  years  ago  that  if  a  painting  of  a  tree  was  only  the 
exact  representation  of  the  original,  so  that  it  looked  just 
like  the  tree,  there  would  be  no  reason  for  making  it;  we 
might  as  well  look  at  the  tree  itself.  But  the  painting,  if 
it  is  of  the  right  sort,  gives  something  that  neither  a  photo- 
graph nor  a  view  of  the  tree  conveys.    It  emphasizes  some- 


thing  of  character,  quality,  individuality.  We  are  not  lost 
in  looking  at  thorns  and  defects;  we  catch  a  vision  of  the 
grandeur  and  beauty  of  a  king  of  the  forest. 

And  so  I  have  conceived  that  the  news,  properly  pre- 
sented, should  be  a  sort  of  cross-section  of  the  character  of 
current  human  experience.  It  should  delineate  character, 
quality,  tendencies  and  implications.  In  this  way  the  re- 
porter exercises  his  genius.  Out  of  the  current  events  he 
does  not  make  a  drab  and  sordid  story,  but  rather  an  in- 
forming and  enlightened  epic.  His  work  becomes  no  longer 
imitative,  but  rises  to  an  original  art. 

Our  American  newspapers  serve  a  double  purpose.  They 
bring  knowledge  and  information  to  their  readers,  and  at 
the  same  time  they  play  a  most  important  part  in  connec- 
tion with  the  business  interests  of  the  community,  both 
through  their  news  and  advertising  departments.  Probably 
there  is  no  rule  of  your  profession  to  which  you  gentlemen 
are  more  devoted  than  that  which  prescribes  that  the 
editorial  and  the  business  policies  of  the  paper  are  to  be 
conducted  by  strictly  separate  departments.  Editorial 
policy  and  news  policy  must  not  be  influenced  by  business 
consideration ;  business  policies  must  not  be  affected  by  edi- 
torial programs.  Such  a  dictum  strikes  the  outsider  as  in- 
volving a  good  deal  of  difficulty  in  the  practical  adjust- 
ments of  c very-day  management.  Yet,  in  fact,  I  doubt  if 
those  adjustments  are  any  more  difficult  than  have  to  be 
made  in  every  other  department  of  human  effort.  Life  is 
a  long  succession  of  compromises  and  adjustments,  and  it 
may  be  doubted  whether  the  press  is  compelled  to  make 
them  more  frequently  than  others  do. 

When  I  have  contemplated  these  adjustments  of  busi- 
ness and  editorial  policy,  it  has  always  seemed  to  me  that 
American  newspapers  are  peculiarly  representative  of  the 
practical  idealism  of  our  country.  Quite  recently  the  con- 
struction of  a  revenue  statute  resulted  in  giving  publicity 


to  some  highly  interesting  facts  about  incomes.  It  must 
have  been  observed  that  nearly  all  the  newspapers  pub- 
lished these  interesting  facts  in  their  news  columns,  while 
very  many  of  them  protested  in  their  editorial  columns  that 
such  publicity  was  a  bad  policy.  Yet  this  was  not  incon- 
sistent. I  am  referring  to  the  incident  by  way  of  illustrat- 
ing what  I  just  said  about  the  newspapers  representing  the 
practical  idealism  of  America.  As  practical  newsmen  they 
printed  the  facts.  As  editorial  idealists  they  protested  that 
there  ought  to  be  no  such  facts  available. 

Some  people  feel  concerned  about  the  commercialism  of 
the  press.  They  note  that  great  newspapers  are  great  busi- 
ness enterprises  earning  large  profits  and  controlled  by  men 
of  wealth.  So  they  fear  that  in  such  control  the  press  may 
tend  to  support  the  private  interests  of  those  who  own  the 
papers,  rather  than  the  general  interest  of  the  whole  peo- 
ple. It  seems  to  me,  however,  that  the  real  test  is  not 
whether  the  newspapers  are  controlled  by  men  of  wealth, 
but  whether  they  are  sincerely  trying  to  serve  the  public 
interests.  There  will  be  little  occasion  for  worry  about  who 
owns  a  newspaper,  so  long  as  its  attitudes  on  public  ques- 
tions are  such  as  to  promote  the  general  welfare.  A  press 
which  is  actuated  by  the  purpose  of  genuine  usefulness  to 
the  public  interest  can  never  be  too  strong  financially,  so 
long  as  its  strength  is  used  for  the  support  of  popular  gov- 

There  does  not  seem  to  be  cause  for  alarm  in  the  dual 
relationship  of  the  press  to  the  public,  whereby  it  is  on  one 
side  a  purveyor  of  information  and  opinion  and  on  the 
other  side  a  purely  business  enterprise.  Rather,  it  is  prob- 
able that  a  press  which  maintains  an  intimate  touch  with 
the  business  currents  of  the  nation,  is  likely  to  be  more  re- 
liable than  it  would  be  if  it  were  a  stranger  to  these  influ- 
ences. After  all,  the  chief  business  of  the  American  people 
is  business.    They  are  profoundly  concerned  with  produc- 


ing,  buying,  selling,  investing  and  prospering  in  the  world. 
I  am  strongly  of  opinion  that  the  great  majority  of  people 
will  always  find  these  are  moving  impulses  of  our  life.  The 
opposite  view  was  oracularly  and  poetically  set  forth  in 
those  lines  of  Goldsmith  which  everybody  repeats,  but  few 
really  believe: 

111  fares  the  land,  to  hastening  ills  a  prey, 
Where  wealth  accumulates,  and  men  decay. 

Excellent  poetry,  but  not  a  good  working  philosophy. 
Goldsmith  would  have  been  right,  if,  in  fact,  the  accumula- 
tion of  wealth  meant  the  decay  of  men.  It  is  rare  indeed 
that  the  men  who  are  accumulating  wealth  decay.  It  is 
only  when  they  cease  production,  when  accumulation  stops, 
that  an  irreparable  decay  begins.  Wealth  is  the  product  of 
industry,  ambition,  character  and  untiring  effort.  In  all 
experience,  the  accumulation  of  wealth  means  the  multipli- 
cation of  schools,  the  increase  of  knowledge,  the  dissemina- 
tion of  intelligence,  the  encouragement  of  science,  the 
broadening  of  outlook,  the  expansion  of  liberties,  the  widen- 
ing of  culture.  Of  course,  the  accumulation  of  wealth  can- 
not be  justified  as  the  chief  end  of  existence.  But  we  are 
compelled  to  recognize  it  as  a  means  to  well-nigh  every 
desirable  achievement.  So  long  as  wealth  is  made  the 
means  and  not  the  end,  we  need  not  greatly  fear  it.  And 
there  never  was  a  time  when  wealth  was  so  generally  re- 
garded as  a  means,  or  so  little  regarded  as  an  end,  as  today. 
Just  a  little  time  ago  we  read  in  your  newspapers  that 
two  leaders  of  American  business,  whose  efforts  at  accumu- 
lation had  been  most  astonishingly  successful,  had  given 
fifty  or  sixty  million  dollars  as  endowments  to  educational 
works.  That  was  real  news.  It  was  characteristic  of  our 
American  experience  with  men  of  large  resources.  They 
use  their  power  to  serve,  not  themselves  and  their  own 
families,  but  the  public.    I  feel  sure  that  the  coming  gen- 


erations,  which  will  benefit  by  those  endowments,  will  not 
be  easily  convinced  that  they  have  suffered  greatly  because 
of  these  particular  accumulations  of  wealth. 

So  there  is  little  cause  for  the  fear  that  our  journalism, 
merely  because  it  is  prosperous,  is  likely  to  betray  us.  But 
it  calls  for  additional  effort  to  avoid  even  the  appearance  of 
the  evil  of  selfishness.  In  every  worthy  profession,  of 
course,  there  will  always  be  a  minority  who  will  appeal  to 
the  baser  instinct.  There  always  have  been,  and  probably 
always  will  be  some  who  will  feel  that  their  own  temporary 
interest  may  be  furthered  by  betraying  the  interest  of 
others.  But  these  are  becoming  constantly  a  less  numerous 
and  less  potential  element  in  the  community.  Their  influ- 
ence, whatever  it  may  seem  at  a  particular  moment,  is  al- 
ways ephemeral.  They  will  not  long  interfere  with  the 
progress  of  the  race  which  is  determined  to  go  its  own  for- 
ward and  upward  way.  They  may  at  times  somewhat  re- 
tard and  delay  its  progress,  but  in  the  end  their  opposition 
will  be  overcome.  They  have  no  permanent  effect.  They 
accomplish  no  permanent  result.  The  race  is  not  traveling 
in  that  direction.  The  power  of  the  spirit  always  prevails 
over  the  power  of  the  flesh.  These  furnish  us  no  justifica- 
tion for  interfering  with  the  freedom  of  the  press,  because 
all  freedom,  though  it  may  sometime  tend  toward  excesses, 
bears  within  it  those  remedies  which  will  finally  effect  a 
cure  for  its  own  disorders. 

American  newspapers  have  seemed  to  me  to  be  particu- 
larly representative  of  this  practical  idealism  of  our  people. 
Therefore,  I  feel  secure  in  saying  that  they  are  the  best 
newspapers  in  the  world.  I  believe  that  they  print  more  real 
news  and  more  reliable  and  characteristic  news  than  any 
other  newspaper.  I  believe  their  editorial  opinions  are  less 
colored  in  influence  by  mere  partisanship  or  selfish  interest, 
than  are  those  of  any  other  country.  Moreover,  I  believe 
that  our  American  press  is  more  independent,  more  reliable 


and  less  partisan  today  than  at  any  other  time  in  its  his- 
tory. I  believe  this  of  our  press,  precisely  as  I  believe  it  of 
those  who  manage  our  public  affairs.  Both  are  cleaner, 
finer,  less  influenced  by  improper  considerations,  than  ever 
before.  Whoever  disagrees  with  this  judgment  must  take 
the  chance  of  marking  himself  as  ignorant  of  conditions 
which  notoriously  affected  our  public  life,  thoughts  and 
methods,  even  within  the  memory  of  many  men  who  are 
still  among  us. 

It  can  safely  be  assumed  that  self-interest  will  always 
place  sufficient  emphasis  on  the  business  side  of  newspapers, 
so  that  they  do  not  need  any  outside  encouragement  for 
that  part  of  their  activities.  Important,  however,  as  this 
factor  is,  it  is  not  the  main  element  which  appeals  to  the 
American  people.  It  is  only  those  who  do  not  understand 
our  people,  who  believe  that  our  national  life  is  entirely 
absorbed  by  material  motives.  We  make  no  concealment 
of  the  fact  that  we  want  wealth,  but  there  are  many  other 
things  that  we  want  very  much  more.  We  want  peace  and 
honor,  and  that  charity  which  is  so  strong  an  element  of  all 
civilization.  The  chief  ideal  of  the  American  people  is 
idealism.  I  cannot  repeat  too  often  that  America  is  a  na- 
tion of  idealists.  That  is  the  only  motive  to  which  they 
ever  give  any  strong  and  lasting  reaction.  No  newspaper 
can  be  a  success  which  fails  to  appeal  to  that  element  of 
our  national  life.  It  is  in  this  direction  that  the  public 
press  can  lend  its  strongest  support  to  our  Government.  I 
could  not  truly  criticize  the  vast  importance  of  the  counting 
room,  but  my  ultimate  faith  I  would  place  in  the  high 
idealism  of  the  editorial  room  of  the  American  newspaper. 

XXI  ii 

We  have  been,  and  propose  to  be,  more  and  more 

American.     We  believe  that  we  can  best  serve 

our  own  country  and  most  successfully  discharge  8I 

our  obligations  to  humanity  by  continuing  to  be  '1 

openly  and  candidly,  intensely  and  scrupulously, 

American.    If  we  have  any  heritage,  it  has  been  1 

that .    If  we  have  any  destiny,  we  have  found  it  « 

in  that  direction. 





II!  Ill 


No  one  can  contemplate  current  conditions  without  find- 
ing much  that  is  satisfying  and  still  more  that  is  encourag- 
ing. Our  own  country  is  leading  the  world  in  the  general 
readjustment  to  the  results  of  the  great  conflict.  Many 
of  its  burdens  will  bear  heavily  upon  us  for  years,  and  sec- 
ondary and  indirect  effects  we  must  expect  to  experience 
for  some  time.  But  we  are  beginning  to  comprehend  more 
definitely  what  course  should  be  pursued,  what  remedies 
ought  to  be  applied,  what  actions  should  be  taken  for  our 
deliverance,  and  are  clearly  manifesting  a  determined  will 
faithfully  and  conscientiously  to  adopt  these  methods  of 
relief.  Already  we  have  sufficiently  rearranged  our  domes- 
tic affairs  so  that  confidence  has  returned,  business  has  re- 
vived, and  we  appear  to  be  entering  an  era  of  prosperity 
which  is  gradually  reaching  into  every  part  of  the  Nation. 
Realizing  that  we  can  not  live  unto  ourselves  alone,  we 
have  contributed  of  our  resources  and  our  counsel  to  the 
relief  of  the  suffering  and  the  settlement  of  the  disputes 
among  the  European  nations.  Because  of  what  America 
is  and  what  America  has  done,  a  firmer  courage,  a  higher 
hope,  inspires  the  heart  of  all  humanity. 

These  results  have  not  occurred  by  mere  chance.  They 
have  been  secured  by  a  constant  and  enlightened  effort 
marked  by  many  sacrifices  and  extending  over  many  gen- 
erations. We  can  not  continue  these  brilliant  successes  in 
the  future,  unless  we  continue  to  learn  from  the  past.  It 
is  necessary  to  keep  the  former  experiences  of  our  country 
both  at  home  and  abroad  continually  before  us,  if  we  are 
to  have  any  science  of  government.    If  we  wish  to  erect 



new  structures,  we  must  have  a  definite  knowledge  of  the 
old  foundations.  We  must  realize  that  human  nature  is 
about  the  most  constant  thing  in  the  universe  and  that  the 
essentials  of  human  relationship  do  not  change.  We  must 
frequently  take  our  bearings  from  these  fixed  stars  of  our 
political  firmament  if  we  expect  to  hold  a  true  course.  If 
we  examine  carefully  what  we  have  done,  we  can  determine 
the  more  accurately  what  we  can  do. 

We  stand  at  the  opening  of  the  one  hundred  and  fiftieth 
year  since  our  national  consciousness  first  asserted  itself  by 
unmistakable  action  with  an  array  of  force.  The  old  senti- 
ment of  detached  and  dependent  colonies  disappeared  in 
the  new  sentiment  of  a  united  and  independent  Nation. 
Men  began  to  discard  the  narrow  confines  of  a  local  charter 
for  the  broader  opportunities  of  a  national  constitution. 
Under  the  eternal  urge  of  freedom  we  became  an  independ- 
ent Nation.  A  little  less  than  fifty  years  later  that  freedom 
and  independence  were  reasserted  in  the  face  of  all  the 
world,  and  guarded,  supported,  and  secured  by  the  Monroe 
Doctrine.  The  narrow  fringe  of  States  along  the  Atlantic 
seaboard  advanced  its  frontiers  across  the  hills  and  plains 
of  an  intervening  continent  until  it  passed  down  the  golden 
slope  to  the  Pacific.  We  made  freedom  a  birthright.  We 
extended  our  domain  over  distant  islands  in  order  to  safe- 
guard our  own  interests  and  accepted  the  consequent  obli- 
gation to  bestow  justice  and  liberty  upon  less  favored 
peoples.  In  the  defense  of  our  own  ideals  and  in  the  general 
cause  of  liberty  we  entered  the  Great  War.  When  victory 
had  been  fully  secured,  we  withdrew  to  our  own  shores 
and  unrecompensed  save  in  the  consciousness  of  duty  done. 

Throughout  all  these  experiences  we  have  enlarged  our 
freedom,  we  have  strengthened  our  independence.  We 
have  been,  and  propose  to  be,  more  and  more  American. 
We  believe  that  we  can  best  serve  our  own  country  and 
most  successfully  discharge  our  obligations  to  humanity 

INAUGURAL  ADDRESS,  MARCH  4,  1925      195 

by  continuing  to  be  openly  and  candidly,  intensely  and 
scrupulously,  American.  If  we  have  any  heritage,  it  has 
been  that.  If  we  have  any  destiny,  we  have  found  it  in  that 

But  if  we  wish  to  continue  to  be  distinctly  American, 
we  must  continue  to  make  that  term  comprehensive  enough 
to  embrace  the  legitimate  desires  of  a  civilized  and  enlight- 
ened people  determined  in  all  their  relations  to  pursue  a 
conscientious  and  religious  life.  We  can  not  permit  our- 
selves to  be  narrowed  and  dwarfed  by  slogans  and  phrases. 
It  is  not  the  adjective,  but  the  substantive,  which  is  of 
real  importance.  It  is  not  the  name  of  the  action,  but 
the  result  of  the  action,  which  is  the  chief  concern.  It  will 
be  well  not  to  be  too  much  disturbed  by  the  thought  of 
either  isolation  or  entanglements  of  pacifists  and  militarists. 
The  physical  configuration  of  the  earth  has  separated  us 
from  all  of  the  Old  World,  but  the  common  brotherhood 
of  man,  the  highest  law  of  all  our  being,  has  united  us  by 
inseparable  bonds  with  all  humanity.  Our  country  rep- 
resents nothing  but  peaceful  intentions  toward  all  the  earth, 
but  it  ought  not  to  fail  to  maintain  such  a  military  force 
as  comports  with  the  dignity  and  security  of  a  great  people. 
It  ought  to  be  a  balanced  force,  intensely  modern,  capable 
of  defense  by  sea  and  land,  beneath  the  surface  and  in  the 
air.  But  it  should  be  so  conducted  that  all  the  world  may 
see  in  it,  not  a  menace,  but  an  instrument  of  security  and 

This  Nation  believes  thoroughly  in  an  honorable  peace 
under  which  the  rights  of  its  citizens  are  to  be  everywhere 
protected.  It  has  never  found  that  the  necessary  enjoy- 
ment of  such  a  peace  could  be  maintained  only  by  a  great 
and  threatening  array  of  arms.  In  common  with  other  na- 
tions, it  is  now  more  determined  than  ever  to  promote 
peace  through  friendliness  and  good  will,  through  mutual 
understandings  and  mutual  forbearance.    We  have  never 



practiced  the  policy  of  competitive  armaments.  We  have 
recently  committed  ourselves  by  covenants  with  the  other 
great  nations  to  a  limitation  of  our  sea  power.  As  one  re- 
sult of  this,  our  Navy  ranks  larger,  in  comparison,  than  it 
ever  did  before.  Removing  the  burden  of  expense  and 
jealously,  which  must  always  accrue  from  a  keen  rivalry,  is 
one  of  the  most  effective  methods  of  diminishing  that  un- 
reasonable hysteria  and  misunderstanding  which  are  the 
most  potent  means  of  fomenting  war.  This  policy  repre- 
sents a  new  departure  in  the  world.  It  is  a  thought,  an 
ideal,  which  has  led  to  an  entirely  new  line  of  action.  It 
will  not  be  easy  to  maintain.  Some  never  move  from  their 
old  position,  some  are  constantly  slipping  back  to  the  old 
ways  of  thought  and  the  old  action  of  seizing  a  musket 
and  relying  on  force.  America  has  taken  the  lead  in  this 
new  direction,  and  that  lead  America  must  continue  to 
hold.  If  we  expect  others  to  rely  on  our  fairness  and  jus- 
tice we  must  show  that  we  rely  on  their  fairness  and  justice. 

If  we  are  to  judge  by  past  experience,  there  is  much  to 
be  hoped  for  in  international  relations  from  frequent  con- 
ferences and  consultations.  We  have  before  us  the  bene- 
ficial results  of  the  Washington  conference  and  the  various 
consultations  recently  held  upon  European  affairs,  some 
of  which  were  in  response  to  our  suggestions  and  in  some 
of  which  we  were  active  participants.  Even  the  failures 
can  not  but  be  accounted  useful  and  immeasurable  advance 
over  threatened  or  actual  warfare.  I  am  strongly  in  favor 
of  a  continuation  of  this  policy,  whenever  conditions  are 
such  that  there  is  even  a  promise  that  practical  and  favor- 
able results  might  be  secured. 

In  conformity  with  the  principle  that  a  display  of  reason 
rather  than  a  threat  of  force  should  be  the  determining  fac- 
tor in  the  intercourse  among  nations,  we  have  long  advo- 
cated the  peaceful  settlement  of  disputes  by  methods  of 
arbitration  and  have  negotiated  many  treaties  to  secure 

INAUGURAL  ADDRESS,  MARCH  4,  1925      197 

that  result.  The  same  considerations  should  lead  to  our  ad- 
herence to  the  Permanent  Court  of  International  Justice. 
Where  great  principles  are  involved,  where  great  move- 
ments are  under  way  which  promise  much  for  the  welfare 
of  humnaity  by  reason  of  the  very  fact  that  many  other 
nations  have  given  such  movements  their  actual  support,  we 
ought  not  to  withhold  our  own  sanction  because  of  any 
small  and  inessential  difference,  but  only  upon  the  ground 
of  the  most  important  and  compelling  fundamental  rea- 
sons. We  can  not  barter  away  our  independence  or  our 
sovereignty,  but  we  ought  to  engage  in  no  refinements  of 
logic,  no  sophistries,  and  no  subterfuges,  to  argue  away  the 
undoubted  duty  of  this  country  by  reason  of  the  might  of 
its  numbers,  the  power  of  its  resources,  and  its  position  of 
leadership  in  the  world,  actively  and  comprehensively  to 
signify  its  approval  and  to  bear  its  full  share  of  the  responsi- 
bility of  a  candid  and  disinterested  attempt  at  the  estab- 
lishment of  a  tribunal  for  the  administration  of  even-handed 
justice  between  nation  and  nation.  The  weight  of  our 
enormous  influence  must  be  cast  upon  the  side  of  a  reign 
not  of  force  but  of  law  and  trial,  not  by  battle  but  by 

We  have  never  any  wish  to  interfere  in  the  political  con- 
ditions of  any  other  countries.  Especially  are  we  deter- 
mined not  to  become  implicated  in  the  political  contro- 
versies of  the  Old  World.  With  a  great  deal  of  hesitation, 
we  have  responded  to  appeals  for  help  to  maintain  order, 
protect  life  and  property,  and  establish  responsible  govern- 
ment in  some  of  the  small  countries  of  the  Western  Hemi- 
sphere. Our  private  citizens  have  advanced  large  sums  of 
money  to  assist  in  the  necessary  financing  and  relief  of  the 
Old  World.  We  have  not  failed,  nor  shall  we  fail  to  respond, 
whenever  necessary  to  mitigate  human  suffering  and  assist 
in  the  rehabilitation  of  distressed  nations.    These,  too,  are 



requirements  which  must  be  met  by  reason  of  our  vast 
powers  and  the  place  we  hold  in  the  world. 

Some  of  the  best  thought  of  mankind  has  long  been 
seeking  for  a  formula  for  permanent  peace.  Undoubtedly 
the  clarification  of  the  principles  of  international  law  would 
be  helpful,  and  the  efforts  of  scholars  to  prepare  such  a 
work  for  adoption  by  the  various  nations  should  have  our 
sympathy  and  support.  Much  may  be  hoped  for  from  the 
earnest  studies  of  those  who  advocate  the  outlawing  of  ag- 
gressive war.  But  all  these  plans  and  preparations,  these 
treaties  and  covenants,  will  not  of  themselves  be  adequate. 
One  of  the  greatest  dangers  to  peace  lies  in  the  economic 
pressure  to  which  people  find  themselves  subjected.  One  of 
most  practical  things  to  be  done  in  the  world  is  to  seek 
arrangements  under  which  such  pressure  may  be  removed, 
so  that  opportunity  may  be  renewed  and  hope  may  be 
revived.  There  must  be  some  assurance  that  effort  and 
endeavor  will  be  followed  by  success  and  prosperity.  In 
the  making  and  financing  of  such  adjustments  there  is  not 
only  an  opportunity,  but  a  real  duty,  for  America  to  respond 
with  her  counsel  and  her  resources.  Conditions  must  be 
provided  under  which  people  can  make  a  living  and  work 
out  of  their  difficulties.  But  there  is  another  element, 
more  important  than  all,  without  which  there  can  not  be 
the  slightest  hope  of  a  permanent  peace.  That  element  lies 
in  the  heart  of  humanity.  Unless  the  desire  for  peace  be 
cherished  there,  unless  this  fundamental  and  only  natural 
source  of  brotherly  love  be  cultivated  to  its  highest  degree, 
all  artificial  efforts  will  be  in  vain.  Peace  will  come  when 
there  is  realization  that  only  under  a  reign  of  law,  based 
on  righteousness  and  supported  by  the  religious  conviction 
of  the  brotherhood  of  man,  can  there  be  any  hope  of  a 
complete  and  satisfying  life.  Parchment  will  fail,  the 
sword  will  fail,  it  is  only  the  spiritual  nature  of  man  that 
can  be  triumphant. 

INAUGURAL  ADDRESS,  MARCH  4,  1925      199 

It  seems  altogether  probable  that  we  can  contribute  most 
to  these  important  objects  by  maintaining  our  position  of 
political  detachment  and  independence.  We  are  not  identi- 
fied with  any  Old  World  interests.  This  position  should  be 
made  more  and  more  clear  in  our  relations  with  all  foreign 
countries.  We  are  at  peace  with  all  of  them.  Our  program 
is  never  to  oppress,  but  always  to  assist.  But  while  we 
do  justice  to  others,  we  must  require  that  justice  be  done 
to  us.  With  us  a  treaty  of  peace  means  peace,  and  a  treaty 
of  amity  means  amity.  We  have  made  great  contributions 
to  the  settlement  of  contentious  differences  in  both  Eu- 
rope and  Asia.  But  there  is  a  very  definite  point  beyond 
which  we  can  not  go.  We  can  only  help  those  who  help 
themselves.  Mindful  of  these  limitations,  the  one  great 
duty  that  stands  out  requires  us  to  use  our  enormous  powers 
to  trim  the  balance  of  the  world. 

While  we  can  look  with  a  great  deal  of  pleasure  upon 
what  we  have  done  abroad,  we  must  remember  that  our 
continued  success  in  that  direction  depends  upon  what  we 
do  at  home.  Since  its  very  outset,  it  has  been  found  neces- 
sary to  conduct  our  Government  by  means  of  political 
parties.  That  system  would  not  have  survived  from  gen- 
eration to  generation  if  it  had  not  been  fundamentally 
sound  and  provided  the  best  instrumentalities  for  the  most 
complete  expression  of  the  popular  will.  It  is  not  neces- 
sary to  claim  that  it  has  always  worked  perfectly.  It  is 
enough  to  know  that  nothing  better  has  been  devised.  No 
one  would  deny  that  there  should  be  full  and  free  expres- 
sion and  an  opportunity  for  independence  of  action  within 
the  party.  There  is  no  salvation  in  a  narrow  and  bigoted 
partisanship.  But  if  there  is  to  be  responsible  party  govern- 
ment, the  party  label  must  be  something  more  than  a 
mere  device  for  securing  office.  Unless  those  who  are  elected 
under  the  same  party  designation  are  willing  to  assume  suf- 
ficient responsibility  and  exhibit  sufficient  loyalty  and  co- 


herence,  so  that  they  can  cooperate  with  each  other  in  the 
support  of  the  broad  general  principles  of  the  party  plat- 
form, the  election  is  merely  a  mockery,  no  decision  is  made 
at  the  polls,  and  there  is  no  representation  of  the  popular 
will.  Common  honesty  and  good  faith  with  the  people  who 
support  a  party  at  the  polls  require  that  party,  when  it 
enters  office,  to  assume  the  control  of  that  portion  of  the 
Government  to  which  it  has  been  elected.  Any  other  course 
is  bad  faith  and  a  violation  of  the  party  pledges. 

When  the  country  has  bestowed  its  confidence  upon  a 
party  by  making  it  a  majority  in  the  Congress,  it  has  a 
right  to  expect  such  unity  of  action  as  will  make  the  party 
majority  an  effective  instrument  of  government.  This  ad- 
ministration has  come  into  power  with  a  very  clear  and 
definite  mandate  from  the  people.  The  expression  of  the 
popular  will  in  favor  of  maintaining  our  constitutional 
guarantees  was  overwhelming  and  decisive.  There  was  a 
manifestation  of  such  faith  in  the  integrity  of  the  courts 
that  we  can  consider  that  issue  rejected  for  some  time  to 
come.  Likewise,  the  policy  of  public  ownership  of  railroads 
and  certain  electric  utilities  met  with  unmistakable  defeat. 
The  people  declared  that  they  wanted  their  rights  to  have 
not  a  political  but  a  judicial  determination,  and  their  in- 
dependence and  freedom  continued  and  supported  by  hav- 
ing the  ownership  and  control  of  their  property,  not  in  the 
Government,  but  in  their  own  hands.  As  they  always  do 
when  they  have  a  fair  chance,  the  people  demonstrated 
that  they  are  sound  and  are  determined  to  have  a  sound 

When  we  turn  from  what  was  rejected  to  inquire  what 
was  accepted,  the  policy  that  stands  out  with  the  greatest 
clearness  is  that  of  economy  in  public  expenditure  with  re- 
duction and  reform  of  taxation.  The  principle  involved  in 
this  effort  is  that  of  conservation.  The  resources  of  this 
country  are  almost  beyond  computation.     No  mind  can 

INAUGURAL  ADDRESS,  MARCH  4,  1925      201 

comprehend  them.  But  the  cost  of  our  combined  govern- 
ments is  likewise  almost  beyond  definition.  Not  only  those 
who  are  now  making  their  tax  returns,  but  those  who  meet 
the  enhanced  cost  of  existence  in  their  monthly  bills,  know 
by  hard  experience  what  this  great  burden  is  and  what  it 
does.  No  matter  what  others  may  want,  these  people 
want  a  drastic  economy.  They  are  opposed  to  waste.  They 
know  that  extravagance  lengthens  the  hours  and  diminishes 
the  rewards  of  their  labor.  I  favor  the  policy  of  economy, 
not  because  I  wish  to  save  money,  but  because  I  wish  to 
save  people.  The  men  and  women  of  this  country  who 
toil  are  the  ones  who  bear  the  cost  of  the  Government. 
Every  dollar  that  we  carelessly  waste  means  that  their  life 
will  be  so  much  the  more  meager.  Every  dollar  that  we 
prudently  save  means  that  their  life  will  be  so  much  the 
more  abundant.  Economy  is  idealism  in  its  most  practical 

If  extravagance  were  not  reflected  in  taxation,  and 
through  taxation  both  directly  and  indirectly  injuriously 
affecting  the  people,  it  would  not  be  of  so  much  conse- 
quence. The  wisest  and  soundest  method  of  solving  our 
tax  problem  is  through  economy.  Fortunately,  of  all  the 
great  nations  this  country  is  best  in  a  position  to  adopt  that 
simple  remedy.  We  do  not  any  longer  need  war-time  rev- 
enues. The  collection  of  any  taxes  which  are  not  absolutely 
required,  which  do  not  beyond  reasonable  doubt  contribute 
to  the  public  welfare,  is  only  a  species  of  legalized  larceny. 
Under  this  Republic  the  rewards  of  industry  belong  to  those 
who  earn  them.  The  only  constitutional  tax  is  the  tax 
which  ministers  to  public  necessity.  The  property  of  the 
country  belongs  to  the  people  of  the  country.  Their  title 
is  absolute.  They  do  not  support  any  privileged  class ;  they 
do  not  need  to  maintain  great  military  forces;  they  ought 
not  to  be  burdened  with  a  great  array  of  public  employees. 
They  are  not  required  to  make  any  contribution  to  Govern- 


ment  expenditures  except  that  which  they  voluntarily 
assess  upon  themselves  through  the  action  of  their  own 
representatives.  Whenever  taxes  bcome  burdensome  a 
remedy  can  be  applied  by  the  people;  but  if  they  do  not 
act  for  themselves,  no  one  can  be  very  successful  in  acting 
for  them. 

The  time  is  arriving  when  we  can  have  further  tax  re- 
duction, when,  unless  we  wish  to  hamper  the  people  in 
their  right  to  earn  a  living,  we  must  have  tax  reform.  The 
method  of  raising  revenue  ought  not  to  impede  the  trans- 
action of  business;  it  ought  to  encourage  it.  I  am  opposed 
to  extremely  high  rates,  because  they  produce  little  or  no 
revenue,  because  they  are  bad  for  the  country,  and,  finally, 
because  they  are  wrong.  We  can  not  finance  the  country, 
we  can  not  improve  social  conditions,  through  any  system 
of  injustice,  even  if  we  attempt  to  inflict  it  upon  the  rich. 
Those  who  suffer  the  most  harm  will  be  the  poor.  This 
country  believes  in  prosperity.  It  is  absurd  to  suppose  that 
it  is  envious  of  those  who  are  already  prosperous.  The 
wise  and  correct  course  to  follow  in  taxation  and  all  other 
economic  legislation  is  not  to  destroy  those  who  have  al- 
ready secured  success  but  to  create  conditions  under  which 
every  one  will  have  a  better  chance  to  be  successful.  The 
verdict  of  the  country  has  been  given  on  this  question. 
That  verdict  stands.    We  shall  do  well  to  heed  it. 

These  questions  involve  moral  issues.  We  need  not  con- 
cern ourselves  much  about  the  rights  of  property  if  we  will 
faithfully  observe  the  rights  of  persons.  Under  our  institu- 
tions their  rights  are  supreme.  It  is  not  property  but  the 
right  to  hold  property,  both  great  and  small,  which  our  Con- 
stitution guarantees.  All  owners  of  property  are  charged 
with  a  service.  These  rights  and  duties  have  been  revealed, 
through  the  conscience  of  society,  to  have  a  divine  sanc- 
tion. The  very  stability  of  our  society  rests  upon  produc- 
tion and  conservation.    For  individuals  or  for  governments 

INAUGURAL  ADDRESS,  MARCH  4,  1925      203 

to  waste  and  squander  their  resources  is  to  deny  these  rights 
and  disregard  these  obligations.  The  result  of  economic 
dissipation  to  a  nation  is  always  moral  decay. 

These  policies  of  better  international  understandings, 
greater  economy,  and  lower  taxes  have  contributed  largely 
to  peaceful  and  prosperous  industrial  relations.  Under  the 
helpful  influences  of  restrictive  immigration  and  a  protec- 
tive tariff,  employment  is  plentiful,  the  rate  of  pay  is  high, 
and  wage  earners  are  in  a  state  of  contentment  seldom  be- 
fore seen.  Our  transportation  systems  have  been  gradually 
recovering  and  have  been  able  to  meet  all  the  require- 
ments of  the  service.  Agriculture  has  been  very  slow  in 
reviving,  but  the  price  of  cereals  at  last  indicates  that  the 
day  of  its  deliverance  is  at  hand. 

We  are  not  without  our  problems,  but  our  most  impor- 
tant problem  is  not  to  secure  new  advantages  but  to  main- 
tain those  which  we  already  possess.  Our  system  of  govern- 
ment made  up  of  three  separate  and  independent  depart- 
ments, our  divided  sovereignty  composed  of  Nation  and 
State,  the  matchless  wisdom  that  is  enshrined  in  our  Con- 
stitution, all  these  need  constant  effort  and  tireless  vigil- 
ance for  their  protection  and  support. 

In  a  republic  the  first  rule  for  the  guidance  of  the  citizen 
is  obedience  to  law.  Under  a  despotism  the  law  may  be 
imposed  upon  the  subject.  He  has  no  voice  in  its  making, 
no  influence  in  its  administration,  it  does  not  represent  him. 
Under  a  free  government  the  citizen  makes  his  own  laws, 
chooses  his  own  administrators,  which  do  represent  him. 
Those  who  want  their  rights  respected  under  the  Constitu- 
tion and  the  law  ought  to  set  the  example  themselves  of 
observing  the  Constitution  and  the  law.  While  there  may 
be  those  of  high  intelligence  who  violate  the  law  at  times, 
the  barbarian  and  the  defective  always  violate  it.  Those 
who  disregard  the  rules  of  society  are  not  exhibiting  a  su- 
perior intelligence,  are  not  promoting  freedom  and  inde- 


pendence,  are  not  following  the  path  of  civilization,  but  are 
displaying  the  traits  of  ignorance,  of  servitude,  of  savag- 
ery, and  treading  the  way  that  leads  back  to  the  jungle. 

The  essence  of  a  republic  is  representative  government. 
Our  Congress  represents  the  people  and  the  States.  In  all 
legislative  affairs  it  is  the  natural  collaborator  with  the 
President.  In  spite  of  all  the  criticism  which  often  falls 
to  its  lot,  I  do  not  hesitate  to  say  that  there  is  no  more  in- 
dependent and  effective  legislative  body  in  the  world.  It 
is,  and  should  be,  jealous  of  its  prerogative.  I  welcome  its 
cooperation,  and  expect  to  share  with  it  not  only  the  re- 
sponsibility, but  the  credit,  for  our  common  effort  to  secure 
beneficial  legislation. 

These  are  some  of  the  principles  which  America  repre- 
sents. We  have  not  by  any  means  put  them  fully  into 
practice,  but  we  have  strongly  signified  our  belief  in  them. 
The  encouraging  feature  of  our  country  is  not  that  it  has 
reached  its  destination,  but  that  it  has  overwhelmingly  ex- 
pressed its  determination  to  proceed  in  the  right  direction. 
It  is  true  that  we  could,  with  profit,  be  less  sectional  and 
more  national  in  our  thought.  It  would  be  well  if  we 
could  replace  much  that  is  only  a  false  and  ignorant  preju- 
dice with  a  true  and  enlightened  pride  of  race.  But  the 
last  election  showed  that  appeals  to  class  and  nationality 
had  little  effect.  We  were  all  found  loyal  to  a  common 
citizenship.  The  fundamental  precept  of  liberty  is  tolera- 
tion. We  can  not  permit  any  inquisition  either  within  or 
without  the  law  or  apply  any  religious  test  to  the  holding 
of  office.    The  mind  of  America  must  be  forever  free. 

It  is  in  such  contemplations,  my  fellow  countrymen,  which 
are  not  exhaustive  but  only  representative,  that  I  find  ample 
warrant  for  satisfaction  and  encouragement.  We  should 
not  let  the  much  that  is  to  do  obscure  the  much  which  has 
been  done.  The  past  and  present  show  faith  and  hope  and 
courage  fully  justified.     Here  stands  our  country,  an  ex- 


INAUGURAL  ADDRESS,  MARCH  4,  1925      205 

ample  of  tranquillity  at  home,  a  patron  of  tranquillity 
abroad.  Here  stands  its  Government,  aware  of  its  might 
but  obedient  to  its  conscience.  Here  it  will  continue  to 
stand,  seeking  peace  and  prosperity,  solicitous  for  the  wel- 
fare of  the  wage  earner,  promoting  enterprise,  developing 
waterways  and  natural  resources,  attentive  to  the  intuitive 
counsel  of  womanhood,  encouraging  education,  desiring  the 
advancement  of  religion,  supporting  the  cause  of  justice 
and  honor  among  the  nations.  America  seeks  no  earthly 
empire  built  on  blood  and  force.  No  ambition,  no  tempta- 
tion, lures  her  to  thought  of  foreign  dominions.  The 
legions  which  she  sends  forth  are  armed,  not  with  the  sword, 
but  with  the  cross.  The  higher  state  to  which  she  seeks 
the  allegiance  of  all  mankind  is  not  of  human,  but  of  divine 
origin.  She  cherishes  no  purpose  save  to  merit  the  favor  of 
Almighty  God. 


N  0 




It  must  be  our  untiring  effort,  to  maintain,  to 
improve,  and,  so  far  as  may  be  humanly  possible, 
to  perfect  those  institutions  which  have  proved 
capable  of  guaranteeing  our  unity,  and  strength- 
ening us  in  advancing  the  estate  of  the  common 








We  have  gathered  this  afternoon  to  lay  with  appropriate 
ceremony  and  solemnity  the  cornerstone  of  a  temple.  The 
splendid  structure  which  is  to  rise  here  will  be  the  home 
of  the  Jewish  Community  Center  of  Washington.  It  will 
be  at  once  a  monument  to  the  achievements  of  the  past, 
and  a  help  in  the  expansion  of  these  achievements  into  a 
wider  field  of  usefulness  in  the  future.  About  this  institu- 
tion will  be  organized,  and  from  it  will  be  radiated,  the 
influences  of  those  civic  works  in  which  the  genius  of  the 
Jewish  people  has  always  found  such  eloquent  expression. 
Such  an  establishment,  so  noble  in  its  physical  proportions, 
so  generous  in  its  social  purposes,  is  truly  a  part  of  the  civic 
endowment  of  the  nation's  capital.  Beyond  that,  its  ex- 
istence here  at  the  seat  of  the  national  government  makes 
it  in  a  peculiar  way  a  testimony  and  an  example  before  the 
entire  country. 

This  year  1925  is  a  year  of  national  anniversaries,  States, 
cities,  and  towns  throughout  all  the  older  part  of  the  coun- 
try will  be  celebrating  their  varied  parts  in  the  historic 
events  which  a  century  and  half  ago  marked  the  beginning 
of  the  American  Revolution.  It  will  be  a  year  of  dedica- 
tions and  re-dedications.  It  will  recall  the  heroic  events 
from  which  emerged  a  great  modern  nation  consecrated  to 
liberty,  equality,  and  human  rights.  It  will  remind  us,  as 
a  nation,  of  how  a  common  spiritual  inspiration  was  po- 
tent to  bring  and  mold  and  weld  together  into  a  national 
unity,  the  many  and  scattered  colonial  communities  that 

At  the  Laying  of  the  Cornerstone  of  the  Jewish  Community  Center, 
Washington,  May  3,  1925. 



had  been  planted  along  the  Atlantic  seaboard.  In  a  time 
when  the  need  of  that  unification,  understanding  and  tol- 
erance, which  are  necessary  to  a  national  spirit,  is  so  great, 
it  will  recall  the  fact  that  the  fathers  not  only  confronted 
these  same  problems  in  forms  far  more  difficult  than  they 
are  today,  but  also  solved  them. 

Among  the  peoples  of  the  thirteen  colonies,  there  were 
few  ties  of  acquaintance,  of  commercial  or  industrial  in- 
terest. There  were  great  differences  in  political  sentiments, 
even  within  the  local  communities,  while  there  were  wide 
divergences  among  the  several  colonies,  in  origin,  in  religion, 
in  social  outlook. 

If  we  would  seek  a  fairly  accurate  impression  of  conditions 
at  the  beginning  of  the  Revolution,  we  must  attempt  a 
really  continental  view  of  North  America  as  it  was  in  1775. 
The  group  of  new-born  commonwealths  which  we  commonly 
refer  to  as  "the  original  thirteen  colonies",  and  which  in  our 
minds  represent  a  considerable  measure  of  nationality  al- 
ready achieved,  did  not  in  fact  even  know  that  they  would 
be  thirteen  in  number.  No  man,  on  the  day  of  Lexington, 
could  be  altogether  sure  that  the  Revolution  was  more  than 
a  New  England  affair.  It  might  or  it  might  not  draw  the 
middle  and  southern  colonies  into  its  armed  array  of  resist- 
ence.  On  the  other  hand,  the  thirteen  might  have  been 
joined  by  Canada,  which  was  British  in  sovereignty,  but 
chiefly  French  in  population,  by  Florida  and  Louisiana, 
which  were  both  mainly  Spanish.  In  short,  there  might 
have  been  fourteen,  or  fifteen,  or  sixteen  .original  colonies 
participating  in  the  North  American  revolution  against 
Europe,  or  there  might  have  been  less  than  a  half  dozen  of 

At  that  time,  France  had  no  territory  within  continental 
North  America.  But  this  condition  had  existed  for  only 
a  short  time  since  the  end  of  the  Seven  Years  war.  France 
had  by  no  means  become  reconciled  to  this  exclusion  from 


a  part  in  the  North  American  empire ;  and  only  a  little  later, 
in  the  year  1800,  under  a  new  treaty  with  Spain,  resumed 
the  sovereignty  of  the  Mississippi  Valley.  Three  years 
after  this,  benefiting  by  the  fortunes  of  the  Napoleonic 
wars,  President  Jefferson  confronted,  and  promptly  seized 
the  opportunity  to  buy  Louisiana  from  Napoleon.  Even 
then,  many  years  were  yet  to  pass  before  the  last  claims 
of  Spain  should  be  extinguished  from  this  continent. 

I  have  recounted  these  scraps  of  territorial  history  be- 
cause unless  we  keep  them  in  mind  we  shall  not  at  all 
comprehend  the  task  of  unification,  of  nation  building, 
that  the  Revolutionary  fathers  undertook  when  they  not 
only  dared  the  power  of  Great  Britain,  but  set  themselves 
against  the  tradition  of  the  subordination  to  Europe  of 
America.  As  we  look  back,  we  realize  that  even  among 
the  colonies  of  England  there  were  few  and  doubtful  com- 
mon concerns  to  bind  them  together.  Their  chief  com- 
mercial interests  were  not  among  themselves,  but  with  the 
mother  country  across  the  Atlantic.  New  England  was 
predominantly  Puritan,  the  southern  colonies  were  basically 
cavalier.  New  York  was  in  the  main  Dutch.  Pennsyl- 
vania had  been  founded  by  the  Quakers,  while  New  Jersey 
needed  to  go  back  but  a  short  distance  to  find  its  begin- 
nings in  a  migration  from  Sweden. 

There  were  well-nigh  as  many  divergencies  of  religious 
faith  as  there  were  of  origin,  politics  and  geography.  Yet, 
in  the  end,  these  religious  differences  proved  rather  unim- 
portant. While  the  early  dangers  in  some  colonies  made 
a  unity  in  belief  and  all  else  a  necessity  to  existence,  at 
the  bottom  of  the  colonial  character  lay  a  stratum  of  re- 
ligious liberalism  which  had  animated  most  of  the  early 
comers.  From  its  beginnings,  the  new  continent  had 
seemed  destined  to  be  the  home  of  religious  tolerance. 
Those  who  claimed  the  right  of  individual  choice  for  them- 
selves finally  had  to  grant  it  to  others.    Beyond  that — and 


this  was  one  of  the  factors  which  I  think  weighed  heaviest 
on  the  side  of  unity — the  Bible  was  the  one  work  of  litera- 
ture that  was  common  to  all  of  them.  The  scriptures  were 
read  and  studied  everywhere.  There  are  many  testimonies 
that  their  teachings  became  the  most  important  intellec- 
tual and  spiritual  force  for  unification.  I  remember  to 
have  read  somewhere,  I  think  in  the  writings  of  the  historian 
Lecky,  the  observation  that  "Hebraic  mortar  cemented  the 
foundations  of  American  democracy."  Lecky  had  in  mind 
this  very  influence  of  the  Bible  in  drawing  together  the 
feelings  and  sympathies  of  the  widely  scattered  commu- 
nities. All  the  way  from  New  Hampshire  to  Georgia,  they 
found  a  common  ground  of  faith  and  reliance  in  the  scrip- 
tural writings. 

In  those  days  books  were  few,  and  even  those  of  a  secu- 
lar character  were  largely  the  product  of  a  scholarship  which 
used  the  scriptures  as  the  model  and  standard  of  social 
interpretation.  It  was  to  this,  of  course,  that  Lecky  re- 
ferred. He  gauged  correctly  a  force  too  often  underesti- 
mated and  his  observation  was  profoundly  wise.  It  sug- 
gests, in  a  way  which  none  of  us  can  fail  to  understand, 
the  debt  which  the  young  American  nation  owed  to  the 
sacred  writing  that  the  Hebrew  people  gave  to  the  world. 

This  biblical  influence  was  strikingly  impressive  in  all 
the  New  England  colonies,  and  only  less  so  in  the  others. 
In  the  Connecticut  code  of  1650,  the  Mosaic  model  is 
adopted.  The  magistrates  were  authorized  to  administer 
justice  "according  to  the  laws  here  established,  and,  for 
want  of  them,  according  to  the  word  of  God."  In  the  New 
Haven  code  of  1655,  there  were  79  topical  statutes  for  the 
Government,  half  of  which  contained  references  to  the  Old 
Testament.  The  founders  of  the  New  Haven  colony,  John 
Davenport  and  Theophilus  Eaton,  were  expert  Hebrew 
scholars.  The  extent  to  which  they  leaned  upon  the  moral 
and  administrative  system,  laid  down  by  the  Hebrew  law- 


givers,  was  responsible  for  their  conviction  that  the  Hebrew 
language  and  literature  ought  to  be  made  as  familiar  as  pos- 
sible to  all  the  people.  So  it  was  that  John  Davenport  ar- 
ranged that  in  the  first  public  school  in  New  Haven  the 
Hebrew  language  should  be  taught.  The  preachers  of  those 
days,  saturated  in  the  religion  and  literature  of  the  Hebrew 
prophets,  were  leaders,  teachers,  moral  mentors  and  even 
political  philosophers  for  their  flocks.  A  people  raised  under 
such  leadership,  given  to  much  study  and  contemplation 
of  the  scriptures,  inevitably  became  more  familiar  with  the 
great  figures  of  Hebrew  history,  with  Joshua,  Samuel,  Moses, 
Joseph,  David,  Solomon,  Gideon,  Elisha — than  they  were 
with  the  stories  of  their  own  ancestors  as  recorded  in  the 
pages  of  profane  history. 

The  sturdy  old  divines  of  those  days  found  the  Bible 
a  chief  source  of  illumination  for  their  arguments  in  sup- 
port of  the  patriot  cause.  They  knew  the  Book.  They  were 
profoundly  familiar  with  it,  and  eminently  capable  in  the 
exposition  of  all  its  justifications  for  rebellion.  To  them, 
the  record  of  the  exodus  from  Egypt  was  indeed  an  inspired 
precedent.  They  knew  what  arguments  from  holy  writ 
would  most  powerfully  influence  their  people.  It  required 
no  great  stretch  of  logical  processes  to  demonstrate  that  the 
children  of  Israel,  making  bricks  without  straw  in  Egypt, 
had  their  modern  counterpart  in  the  people  of  the  colonies, 
enduring  the  imposition  of  taxation  without  representation ! 

And  the  Jews  themselves,  of  whom  a  considerable  num- 
ber were  already  scattered  throughout  the  colonies,  were 
true  to  the  teachings  of  their  own  prophets.  The  Jewish 
faith  is  predominantly  the  faith  of  liberty.  From  the  be- 
ginnings of  the  conflict  between  the  colonies  and  the  mother 
country,  they  were  overwhelmingly  on  the  side  of  the  rising 
revolution.  You  will  recognize  them  when  I  read  the  names 
of  some  among  the  merchants  who  unhesitatingly  signed 
the  non-importation  resolution  of  1765:  Isaac  Moses,  Ben- 


jamin  Levy,  Samson  Levy,  David  Franks,  Joseph  Jacobs, 
Hayman  Levy,  Jr.;  Matthias  Bush,  Michael  Gratz,  Ber- 
nard Gratz,  Isaac  Franks,  Moses  Mordecai,  Benjamin  Ja- 
cobs, Samuel  Lyon  and  Manuel  Mordecai  Noah. 

Not  only  did  the  colonial  Jews  join  early  and  enthusi- 
astically in  the  non-intercourse  program,  but  when  the 
time  came  for  raising  and  sustaining  an  army,  they  were 
ready  to  serve  wherever  they  could  be  most  useful.  There 
is  a  romance  in  the  story  of  Haym  Solomon,  Polish  Jew 
financier  of  the  Revolution.  Born  in  Poland,  he  was  made 
prisoner  by  the  British  forces  in  New  York,  and  when  he 
escaped  set  up  in  business  in  Philadelphia.  He  negotiated 
for  Robert  Morris  all  the  loans  raised  in  France  and  Hol- 
land, pledged  his  personal  faith  and  fortune  for  enormous 
amounts,  and  personally  advanced  large  sums  to  such  men 
as  James  Madison,  Thomas  Jefferson,  Baron  Steuben,  Gen- 
eral St.  Clair,  and  many  other  patriot  leaders  who  testified 
that  without  his  aid  they  could  not  have  carried  on  in 
the  cause. 

A  considerable  number  of  Jews  became  officers  in  the 
continental  forces.  The  records  show  at  least  four  Jews 
who  served  as  Lieutenant  Colonels,  three  as  Majors  and 
certainly  six,  probably  more,  as  Captains.  Major  Benja- 
min Nones  has  been  referred  to  as  the  Jewish  Lafayette. 
He  came  from  France  in  1777,  enlisted  in  the  continentals 
as  a  volunteer  private,  served  on  the  staffs  of  both  Wash- 
ington and  Lafayette,  and  later  was  attached  to  the  com- 
mand of  Baron  De  Kalb,  in  which  were  a  number  of  Jews. 
When  De  Kalb  was  fatally  wounded  in  the  thickest  of  the 
fighting  at  the  Battle  of  Camden,  the  three  officers  who 
were  at  hand  to  bear  him  from  the  field  were  Major  Nones, 
Captain  De  La  Motta,  and  Captain  Jacob  De  Leon,  all  of 
them  Jews.  It  is  interesting  to  know  that  at  the  time  of 
the  Revolution  there  was  a  larger  Jewish  element  in  the 
southern  colonies  than  would  have  been  found  there  at 


most  later  periods;  and  these  Jews  of  the  Carolinas  and 
Georgia  were  ardent  supporters  of  the  Revolution.  One 
corps  of  infantry  raised  in  Charleston,  South  Carolina,  was 
composed  preponderantly  of  Jews,  and  they  gave  a  splendid 
account  of  themselves  in  the  fighting  in  that  section. 

It  is  easy  to  understand  why  a  people  ^-llh  the  historic 
background  of  the  Jews  should  thus  overwhelmingly  and 
unhesitatingly  have  allied  themselves  with  the  cause  of 
freedom.  From  earliest  colonial  times,  America  has  been 
a  new  land  of  promise  to  this  long-persecuted  race. 

The  Jewish  community  of  the  United  States  is  not  only 
the  second  most  numerous  in  the  world,  but  in  respect  of  its 
old  world  origins  it  is  probably  the  most  cosmopolitan. 
But  whatever  their  origin  as  a  people,  they  have  always 
come  to  us  eager  to  adapt  themselves  to  our  institutions, 
to  thrive  under  the  influence  of  liberty,  to  take  their  full 
part  as  citizens  in  building  and  sustaining  the  nation,  and 
to  bear  their  part  in  its  defense ;  in  order  to  make  a  contri- 
bution to  the  national  life,  fully  worthy  of  the  traditions 
they  had  inherited. 

The  institution  for  which  we  are  today  dedicating  this 
splendid  home,  is  not  a  charity  to  minister  to  the  body,  but 
rather  to  the  soul.  The  14,000  Jews  who  live  in  this  Capital 
City  have  passed,  under  the  favoring  auspices  of  Ameri- 
can institutions,  beyond  the  need  for  any  other  benevo- 
lence. They  are  planting  here  a  home  for  community  serv- 
ice ;  fixing  a  center  from  which  shall  go  forth  the  radiations 
of  united  effort  for  advancement  in  culture,  in  education,  in 
social  opportunity.  Here  will  be  the  seat  of  organized  in- 
fluence for  the  preservation  and  dissemination  of  all  that 
is  best  and  most  useful,  of  all  that  is  leading  and  enlight- 
ening, in  the  culture  and  philosophy  of  this  "peculiar 
people"  who  have  so  greatly  given  to  the  advancement  of 

Our  country  has  done  much  for  the  Jews  who  have  come 


here  to  accept  its  citizenship  and  assume  their  share  of  its 
responsibilities  in  the  world.  But  I  think  the  greatest 
thing  it  has  done  for  them  has  been  to  receive  them  and 
treat  them  precisely  as  it  has  received  and  treated  all  others 
who  have  come  to  it.  If  our  experiment  in  free  institutions 
has  proved  anything,  it  is  that  the  greatest  privilege  that 
can  be  conferred  upon  people  in  the  mass  is  to  free  them 
from  the  demoralizing  influence  of  privilege  enjoyed  by  the 
few.  This  is  proved  by  the  experience  here,  not  alone  of 
the  Jews,  but  of  all  the  other  racial  and  national  elements 
that  have  entered  into  the  making  of  this  Nation.  We 
have  found  that  when  men  and  women  are  left  free  to  find 
the  places  for  which  they  are  best  fitted,  some  few  of  them 
will  indeed  attain  less  exalted  stations  than  under  a  regime 
of  privilege;  but  the  vast  multitude  will  rise  to  a  higher 
level,  to  wider  horizons,  to  worthier  attainments. 

To  go  forward  on  the  same  broadening  lines  that  have 
marked  the  national  development  thus  far  must  be  our 
aim.  It  is  an  easy  thing  to  say,  but  not  so  simple  to  do. 
There  is  no  straight  and  smooth  and  posted  highway  into 
the  vast,  dim  realm  of  the  tomorrows.  There  are  bogs 
and  morasses,  blind  roads  and  bad  detours.  No  philosophy 
of  history  has  ever  succeeded  in  charting  accurately 
the  future.  No  science  of  social  engineering  has  been  able 
to  build  wide  apd  easy  roads  by  which  to  bring  up  the  van 
of  human  progress  in  sure  and  easy  marches.  The  race  is 
always  pioneering.  It  always  has  been  and  always  must 
be.  It  dare  not  tire  of  unending  effort  and  repeated  dis- 
appointments. It  must  not  in  any  moment  of  weariness 
or  inertia  cease  from  pressing  on.  Least  of  all  can  we  in- 
dulge the  satisfactions  of  complacency,  imagining  that  the 
sum  of  useful  progress  has  been  attained.  The  community 
or  the  civilization  that  ceases  to  progress,  begins  that  hour 
to  recede. 

The   work    of   spiritual    unification    is   not    completed. 


Factional,  sectional,  social  and  political  lines  of  conflict  yet 
persist.  Despite  all  experience,  society  continues  to  en- 
gender the  hatreds  and  jealousies  whereof  are  born  domestic 
strife  and  international  conflicts.  But  education  and  en- 
lightenment are  breaking  their  force.  Reason  is  emerging. 
Every  inheritance  of  the  Jewish  people,  every  teaching  of 
their  secular  history  and  religious  experience,  draws  them 
powerfully  to  the  side  of  charity,  liberty  and  progress. 
They  have  always  been  arrayed  on  this  side,  and  we  may 
be  sure  they  will  not  desert  it.  Made  up  of  so  many  diverse 
elements,  our  country  must  cling  to  those  fundamentals 
that  have  been  tried  and  proved  as  buttresses  of  national 

It  must  be  our  untiring  effort  to  maintain,  to  improve, 
and,  so  far  as  may  be  humanly  possible,  to  perfect  those 
institutions  which  have  proved  capable  of  guaranteeing  our 
unity,  and  strengthening  us  in  advancing  the  estate  of  the 
common  man.  This  edifice  which  you  are  rearing  here 
is  a  fine  example  for  other  communities.  It  speaks  a  pur- 
pose to  uphold  an  ancient  and  noble  philosophy  of  life  and 
living,  and  yet  to  assure  that  such  philosophy  shall  always 
be  adapted  to  the  requirements  of  changing  times,  increas- 
ing knowledge  and  developing  institutions.  It  is  a  guar- 
antee that  you  will  keep  step  with  liberty. 

This  capacity  for  adaptation  in  detail,  without  sacrifice 
of  essentials,  has  been  one  of  the  special  lessons  which  the 
marvelous  history  of  the  Jewish  people  has  taught.  It  is  a 
lesson  which  our  country,  and  every  country  based  on  the 
principle  of  popular  government,  must  learn  and  apply, 
generation  by  generation,  year  by  year,  yes,  even  day  by 
day.  You  are  raising  here  a  testimonial  to  the  capacity  of 
the  Jewish  people  to  do  this.  In  the  advancing  years,  as 
those  who  come  and  go  shall  gaze  upon  this  civic  and  social 
landmark,  may  it  be  a  constant  reminder  of  the  inspiring 
service  that  has  been  rendered  to  civilization  by  men  and 



women  of  the  Jewish  faith.  May  they  recall  the  long  array 
of  those  who  have  been  eminent  in  statecraft,  in  science,  in 
literature,  in  art,  in  the  professions,  in  business,  in  finance, 
in  philanthropy  and  in  the  spiritual  life  of  the  world.  May 
they  pause  long  enough  to  contemplate  that  the  patriots 
who  laid  the  foundation  of  this  Republic  drew  their  faith 
from  the  Bible.  May  they  give  due  credit  to  the  people 
among  whom  the  Holy  Scriptures  came  into  being.  And 
as  they  ponder  the  assertion  that  "Hebraic  mortar  cemented 
the  foundations  of  American  democracy,"  they  cannot  es- 
cape the  conclusion  that  if  American  democracy  is  to  remain 
the  greatest  hope  of  humanity,  it  must  continue  abun- 
dantly in  the  faith  of  the  Bible. 






Our  country  was  conceived  in  the  theory  of  local 
self-government.  It  has  been  dedicated  by  long 
practice  to  that  wise  and  beneficent  policy.    It  I 

is  the  foundation  principle  of  our  system  of  lib- 
erty.   It  makes  the  largest  promise  to  the  free-  i] 
dom  and  development  of  the  individual.     Its 
preservation  is  worth  all  the  effort  and  all  the 
sacrifice  that  it  may  cost. 


For  those  who  are  the  inheritors  of  a  noble  estate  and  a 
high  place  in  the  world,  it  is  a  good  thing  to  pause  at  in- 
tervals and  consider  by  what  favor  of  fortune  and  of  an- 
cestry their  lines  have  fallen  in  such  pleasant  places.  Thus 
to  meditate  upon  that  course  of  events,  which  has  given 
them  what  they  have  and  made  them  what  they  are,  will 
tend  to  remind  them  how  great  is  their  debt  and  how  little 
is  their  share  of  merit. 

This  is  the  day  on  which  the  American  people  each  year 
acknowledged  that  they  have  such  a  debt.  It  has  been  set 
aside  that  a  grateful  Nation  may  do  fitting  honor  to  the 
memory  of  those  who  have  made  the  greatest  and  most 
voluntary  contribution  to  it.  Here  about  us,  in  this  place 
of  beauty  and  reverence,  lies  the  mortal  dust  of  a  noble 
host,  to  whom  we  have  come  to  pay  our  tribute,  as  thou- 
sands of  other  like  gatherings  will  do  throughout  our  land. 
In  their  youth  and  strength,  their  love  and  loyalty,  those 
who  rest  here  gave  to  their  country  all  that  mortality  can 
give.  For  what  they  sacrificed  we  must  give  back  the  pledge 
of  faith  to  all  that  they  held  dear,  constantly  renewed,  con- 
stantly justified.  Doing  less  would  betray  them  and  dis- 
honor us. 

To  such  a  memorial  as  exists  here  we  can  only  come  in 
a  spirit  of  humility  and  of  gratitude.  We  can  not  hope  to 
repay  those  whom  we  are  assembled  to  honor.  They  were 
moved  by  a  noble  conception  of  human  possibilities  and 
human  destiny.     But  we  can  undertake  to  find  what  was 

At  the  Memorial  Exercises,  Arlington  National  Cemetery,  Washington, 
D.  C,  May  30,  1925. 



their  inspiration  and  seek  to  make  it  our  guide.  By  that 
they  will  be  recompensed. 

These  who  are  represented  here  were  men  in  whom 
courage  had  reached  a  high  moral  quality.  They  had  been 
brave  enough  not  to  shrink  from  looking  at  facts  and 
institutions.  They  had  been  honest  enough  to  admit  that 
they  saw  there  much  that  was  not  good.  They  glossed  over 
no  wrongs,  they  hid  away  no  skeletons.  They  did  not  pre- 
tend that  wrong  was  right  or  ever  could  be  right.  They 
had  put  much  thought  to  the  lessons  of  hard  experience, 
and  had  frankly  acknowledged  that  they  must  deal  with 
a  crisis  in  the  Nation's  life.  They  were  sure  that  union 
was  a  blessing,  that  slavery  was  a  wrong,  and  that  domestic 
war  was  the  supreme  human  tragedy.  This  settled,  they 
saw  that  one  of  three  courses  must  be  taken.  They  could 
have  had  peace  with  disunion,  or  they  could  have  had  peace 
and  union,  with  slavery.  Freedom  with  union,  they  saw 
at  last,  meant  war.  We  know  how  they  decided.  We  know 
at  what  fearful  cost  they  supported  their  decision. 

We  live  far  enough  away  from  those  times  of  test  and  trial 
to  know  that  sincerity  and  honesty  did  not  all  lie  on  either 
side.  We  know  the  conflicts  of  loyalties,  traditions,  ances- 
try, and  interest  which  drew  men  to  one  side  and  the  other. 
I  doubt  if  there  ever  was  another  so  great  and  elemental  a 
conflict  from  which  men  emerged  with  so  much  of  mutual 
respect,  with  so  little  of  bitterness  and  lingering  hostility. 
The  struggle  brought  the  whole  Nation  at  last  to  see  that 
its  only  assurance  was  in  unity.  United,  it  could  go  its  way 
in  all  security;  divided,  both  sections  becoming  the  prey 
of  jealousy  and  intrigue,  would  have  dissipated  all  the 
power  they  now  have  for  good  in  the  world. 

Our  generation  has  recently  lived  through  times  still  so 
vivid  as  to  seem  but  as  yesterday,  which  have  taught  us 
deeply  to  appreciate  the  value  of  union  in  purpose  and 
effort.    We  have  come  to  see  as  through  a  crystal  that  in 



the  national  variety  of  talents  and  resources,  of  cultures 
and  capacities,  of  climates  and  of  soils,  of  occupations  and 
of  interests,  lies  the  guaranty  of  both  our  power  and  our 
authority.  More  than  that,  they  have  taught  us  how  heavy 
and  important  is  our  responsibility  in  the  world. 

Conscious  of  a  strength  which  removes  us  from  either 
fear  or  truculence,  satisfied  with  dominions  and  resources 
which  free  us  from  lust  of  territory  or  empire,  we  see  that 
our  highest  interest  will  be  promoted  by  the  prosperity 
and  progress  of  our  neighbors.  We  recognize  that  what  has 
been  accomplished  here  has  largely  been  due  to  the  ca- 
pacity of  our  people  for  efficient  cooperation.  We  shall 
continue  prosperous  at  home  and  helpful  abroad,  about  as 
we  shall  maintain  and  continually  adapt  to  changing  condi- 
tions the  system  under  which  we  have  come  thus  far.  I 
mean  our  Federal  system,  distributing  powers  and  responsi- 
bilities between  the  States  and  the  National  Government. 
For  that  is  the  greatest  American  contribution  to  the  organ- 
ization of  government  over  great  populations  and  wide 
areas.  It  is  the  essence  of  practical  administration  for  a 
nation  placed  as  ours  is.  It  has  become  so  commonplace 
to  us,  and  a  pattern  by  so  many  other  peoples,  that  we  do 
not  always  realize  how  great  an  innovation  it  was  when 
first  formulated,  or  how  great  the  practical  problems  which 
its  operation  involves.  Because  of  my  conviction  that  some 
of  these  problems  are  at  this  time  in  need  of  deeper  con- 
sideration, I  shall  take  this  occasion  to  try  to  turn  the  public 
mind  in  that  direction. 

When  dealing  with  the  distribution  of  powers  between 
the  General  Government  and  the  States,  Chief  Justice 
Marshall  declared: 

"When  the  American  people  created  a  national  legislature, 
with  certain  enumerated  powers,  it  was  neither  necessary 
nor  proper  to  define  the  powers  retained  by  the  States. 
Those  powers  proceed,  not  from  the  people  of  America,  but 


from  the  people  of  the  several  States,  and  remain  after  the 
adoption  of  the  Constitution  what  they  were  before,  except 
in  so  far  as  they  may  be  abridged  by  that  instrument," 

Our  constitutional  history  started  with  the  States  re- 
taining all  powers  of  sovereignty  unimpaired,  save  those 
conferred  upon  the  National  Government.  The  evolution 
of  the  constitutional  system  has  consisted  largely  in  de- 
termining the  line  of  demarcation  between  State  and  na- 
tional authority.  The  cases  involved  are  many  and  com- 
plicated, but  there  is  a  fairly  good  popular  understanding 
of  this  continuing  struggle  between  these  contending  sover- 
eignties. Because  of  better  communication  and  transporta- 
tion, the  constant  tendency  has  been  to  more  and  more 
social  and  economic  unification.  The  present  continent- 
wide  union  of  forty-eight  States  is  much  closer  than  was  the 
original  group  of  thirteen  States. 

This  increasing  unification  has  well-nigh  obliterated  State 
lines  so  far  as  concerns  many  relations  of  life.  Yet,  in  a 
country  of  such  enormous  expanse,  there  must  always  be 
certain  regional  differences  in  social  outlook  and  economic 
thought.  The  most  familiar  illustration  of  this  is  found  in 
the  history  of  slavery.  The  Constitution  did  not  inter- 
fere with  slavery,  except  to  fix  a  time  when  the  foreign 
slave  trade  should  be  abolished.  Yet  within  a  generation 
the  country  was  confronting  a  sharp  sectional  division  on 
this  issue.  Changing  economic  conditions  made  slavery 
profitable  in  the  South,  but  left  it  unprofitable  in  the 
North.  The  resulting  war  might  have  been  avoided  if  the 
South  had  adopted  a  policy  of  ultimate  abolition.  But  as 
this  method  was  not  pursued  the  differences  grew  sharper 
until  they  brought  on  the  great  conflict. 

Though  the  war  ended  forever  the  possibility  of  disunion, 
there  still  remain  problems  between  State  and  Federal  au- 
thority. There  are  divisions  of  interest,  perhaps  more  ap- 
parent than  real,  among  geographical  sections  or  social 



groups.  The  seaboard  thinks  it  has  interests  in  maritime 
transportation  and  overseas  commerce  which  differ  greatly 
from  those  of  the  interior,  which  is  peculiarly  dependent 
upon  railroads.  Difference  in  climate  and  physical  condi- 
tions throughout  so  great  a  territory  tend  to  varied  social 
habits  and  modes  of  living  which  react  upon  the  economic 
and  political  attitudes.  The  industrial  development  of 
some  sections  contrasts  with  the  agricultural  character  of 
others.  Obviously,  these  differences  give  rise  to  many 
problems  in  government,  which  must  always  be  recognized. 
But  it  is  hardly  conceivable  that  a  really  menacing  contest 
between  the  sovereignty  of  the  States  and  of  the  Union 
could  ever  again  arise. 

Our  country,  having  devised  this  dual  system  of  govern- 
ment, and  lived  under  it  longer  than  any  other,  is  deeply 
concerned  to  perfect  and  adapt  it  to  the  changing  conditions 
of  organized  society.  A  community  comprising  half  a  con- 
tinent and  more  than  a  hundred  million  people  could  not 
possibly  be  administered  under  a  single  government  or- 
ganization. We  must  maintain  a  proper  measure  of  local 
self-government  while  constantly  making  adjustments  to 
an  increasing  interdependence  among  the  political  parts. 

Our  national  history  has  presented  various  phases  of  this 
problem.  Slavery  showed  one;  the  complexities  of  inter- 
state commerce  have  kept  others  constantly  in  mind.  On 
the  day  the  Constitution  was  finished,  probably  more  people 
would  have  seen  seeds  of  conflict  and  dangers  to  the  Union 
in  future  commercial  relations  than  in  slavery.  But 
commerce  became  a  source  of  strength,  while  slavery  be- 
came a  cause  of  division.  It  brought  the  Union  into  danger  ; 
and  in  the  end  was  destroyed  itself.  Where  there  was  sin- 
cere acceptance  of  the  dual  sovereignty  theory,  where  the 
States  sought  to  do  their  full  part,  and  accepted  the  de- 
terminations of  the  National  Government  as  to  the  rest, 
the  plan  worked.    Where  the  States  sought  more  from  the 


Federal  authority  than  it  could  give,  and  resisted  national 
demands — then  came  dissension  and,  at  length,  war. 

It  would  be  folly  to  deny  that  we  still  have  problems  of 
interstate  relations  to  handle.  We  boast  that  this  is  a  land 
of  equal  opportunity  for  all.  We  insist  that  there  is  one 
law  for  all  the  people.  But  that  equality  suffers  often  be- 
cause of  the  divergencies  between  the  laws  of  different 
States.  So  long  as  some  can  go  to  a  distant  State  for  di- 
vorces which  others  are  denied  at  home,  there  is  not  equal- 
ity in  this  regard.  When  some  States  grant  valuable  ex- 
emptions from  taxation  which  other  States  impose,  one 
person  may  enjoy  while  another  is  denied  these  benefits. 

A  few  years  ago  a  majority  of  the  States  had  adopted 
prohibition  or  rigid  restrictions  on  the  traffic  in  intoxicating 
liquor.  But  other  States  did  not  cooperate  in  advancing 
this  policy,  and  ultimately  by  national  action  it  was  ex- 
tended to  all  the  Union.  By  failing  to  meet  the  require- 
ments of  a  national  demand  the  States  became  deprived 
of  the  power  to  act.  If  questions  which  the  States  will 
not  fairly  settle  on  their  own  account  shall  have  to  be  set- 
tled for  them  by  the  Federal  authority,  it  will  only  be  be- 
cause some  States  will  have  refused  to  discharge  obvious 

There  is  another  responsibility  of  the  States.  It  is  quite 
aside  from  this  one  of  jurisdiction.  It  is  the  subject  of  law 
enforcement.  We  are  not  a  lawless  people,  but  we  are  too 
frequently  a  careless  one.  The  multiplicity  of  laws,  the 
varied  possibilities  of  appeals,  the  disposition  to  technical- 
ity in  procedure,  the  delays  and  consequent  expense  of  liti- 
gation which  inevitably  inure  to  the  advantage  of  wealth 
and  specialized  ability — all  these  have  many  times  been 
recounted  as  reproaches  to  us.  It  is  strange  that  such  lax- 
ities should  persist  in  a  time  like  the  present,  which  is 
marked  by  a  determined  upward  movement  in  behalf  of 
the  social  welfare.    But  they  do  exist.    They  demonstrate 


a  need  for  better,  prompter,  less  irksome,  and  expensive 
administration  of  the  laws.  They  point  the  necessity  for 
simplification  and  codification  of  laws;  for  uniformity  of 
procedure;  for  more  accurate  delimitation  of  State  and 
Federal  authority. 

All  these  problems  constantly  come  in  the  work  of  polit- 
ical and  social  development.  But  they  stand  for  a  vast 
progression  toward  better  conditions,  a  better  society,  a 
better  economic  system.  In  approaching  them,  we  need  to 
have  in  mind  the  Federalist's  analysis  of  our  constitutional 
system: — The  powers  delegated  to  the  Federal  Government 
are  few  and  defined;  those  to  remain  in  the  hands  of  the 
State  government  are  numerous  and  indefinite. 

That  statement  can  not  be  too  much  emphasized.  The 
country's  growth  has  compelled  the  Federal  establishment 
to  exceed  by  far  the  Government  plants  of  even  the  greatest 
States.  With  this  growth  in  physical  extent,  in  revenue, 
in  personnel,  there  has  inevitably  been  the  suggestion  that 
the  Federal  Government  was  overshadowing  the  States. 
Yet  the  State  governments  deal  with  far  more  various  and 
more  intimate  concerns  of  the  people  than  does  the  Na- 
tional Government.  All  the  operations  of  the  minor  civil 
divisions,  parishes,  wards,  school  districts,  towns,  cities, 
counties,  and  the  like,  are  dependencies  of  the  State.  The 
maintenance  of  order  through  police,  the  general  business 
of  enforcing  law,  is  left  to  the  States.  So  is  education. 
Property  is  held  and  transferred  on  terms  fixed  by  the 
States.  In  short,  the  structure  of  social  and  business  rela- 
tionship is  built  chiefly  about  the  laws  of  the  States.  It 
depends  upon  the  exercise  by  the  States  of  that  vastly 
greater  share  of  Government  power  which  resides  in  them, 
to  the  exclusion  cf  the  Federal  Government.  In  ordinary 
times  nearly  the  entire  burden  of  taxation  represents  State 
and  local  demands.  Even  now,  despite  the  enormous  in- 
crease of  Federal  taxes  from  pre-war  years,  State  and  local 


taxes  far  exceed  the  Federal  requirements.  Moreover,  the 
national  burden  is  being  continually  reduced,  while  that  of 
the  local  units  is  growing  and  likely  to  continue  to  grow. 

Such  is  the  real  distribution  of  duties,  responsibilities,  and 
expenses.  Yet  people  are  given  to  thinking  and  speaking 
of  the  National  Government  as  "the  Government."  They 
demand  more  from  it  than  it  was  ever  intended  to  provide; 
and  yet  in  the  same  breath  they  complain  that  Federal 
authority  is  stretching  itself  over  areas  which  do  not  concern 
it.  On  one  side,  there  are  demands  for  more  amendments 
to  the  Constitution.  On  the  other,  there  is  too  much  op- 
position to  those  that  already  exist. 

Without  doubt,  the  reason  for  increasing  demands  on 
the  Federal  Government  is  that  the  States  have  not  dis- 
charged their  full  duties.  Some  have  done  better  and 
some  worse,  but  as  a  whole  they  have  not  done  all  they 
should.  So  demand  has  grown  up  for  a  greater  concentra- 
tion of  powers  in  the  Federal  Government.  If  we  will 
fairly  consider  it,  we  must  conclude  that  the  remedy  would 
be  worse  than  the  disease.  What  we  need  is  not  more  Fed- 
eral government  but  better  local  government.  Yet  many 
people  who  would  agree  to  this  have  large  responsibility 
for  the  lapses  of  local  authority. 

From  every  position  of  consistency  with  our  system,  more 
centralization  ought  to  be  avoided.  The  States  would  pro- 
test, promptly  enough,  anything  savoring  of  Federal  usur- 
pation. Their  protection  will  lie  in  discharging  the  full 
obligations  that  have  been  imposed  on  them.  Once  the 
evasion  of  local  responsibilities  becomes  a  habit,  there  is  no 
knowing  how  far  the  consequences  may  reach.  Every  step 
in  such  a  progression  will  be  unfortunate  alike  for  States 
and  Nation.  The  country  needs,  in  grappling  with  the 
manifold  problems  of  these  times,  all  the  courage,  intelli- 
gence, training,  and  skill  that  can  be  enlisted  in  both  State 
and  national  administrations. 



One  insidious  practice  which  sugar-coats  the  dose  of 
Federal  intrusion  is  the  division  of  expense  for  public 
improvements  or  services  between  State  and  National 
treasuries.  The  ardent  States-rights  advocate  sees  in  this 
practice  a  vicious  weakening  of  the  State  system.  The 
extreme  federalist  is  apt  to  look  upon  it  in  cynical  fashion 
as  bribing  the  States  into  subordination.  The  average 
American,  believing  in  our  dual-sovereignty  system,  must 
feel  that  the  policy  of  national  doles  to  the  States  is  bad 
and  may  become  disastrous.  We  may  go  on  yet  for  a  time 
with  the  easy  assumption  that  "if  the  States  will  not,  the 
Nation  must."  But  that  way  lies  trouble.  When  the  Na- 
tional Treasury  contributes  half,  there  is  temptation  to  ex- 
travagance by  the  State.  We  have  seen  some  examples  in 
connection  with  the  Federal  contributions  to  road  build- 
ing. Yet  there  are  constant  demands  for  more  Federal 
contributions.  Whenever  by  that  plan  we  take  something 
from  one  group  of  States  and  give  it  to  another  group, 
there  is  grave  danger  that  we  do  an  economic  injustice  on 
one  side  and  a  political  injury  on  the  other.  We  impose 
unfairly  on  the  strength  of  the  strong,  and  we  encourage 
the  weak  to  indulge  their  weakness. 

When  the  local  government  unit  evades  its  responsibility 
in  one  direction,  it  is  started  in  the  vicious  way  of  disre- 
gard of  law  and  laxity  of  living.  The  police  force  which  is 
administered  on  the  assumption  that  the  violation  of  some 
laws  may  be  ignored  has  started  toward  demoralization. 
The  community  which  approves  such  administration  is 
making  dangerous  concessions.  There  is  no  use  disguising 
the  fact  that  as  a  nation  our  attitude  toward  the  prevention 
and  punishment  of  crime  needs  more  serious  attention.  I 
read  the  other  day  a  survey  which  showed  that  in  propor- 
tion to  population  we  have  eight  times  as  many  murders 
as  Great  Britain,  and  five  times  as  many  as  France.  Mur- 
der rarely  goes  unpunished  in  Britain  or  France;  here  the 


reverse  is  true.  The  same  survey  reports  many  times  as 
many  burglaries  in  parts  of  America  as  in  all  England ;  and, 
whereas  a  very  high  per  cent  of  burglars  in  England  are 
caught  and  punished,  in  parts  of  our  country  only  a  very 
low  per  cent  are  finally  punished.  The  comparison  can  not 
fail  to  be  disturbing.  The  conclusion  is  inescapable  that 
laxity  of  administration  reacts  upon  public  opinion,  caus- 
ing cynicism  and  loss  of  confidence  in  both  law  and  its 
enforcement  and  therefore  in  its  observance.  The  failure 
of  local  government  has  a  demoralizing  effect  in  every 

These  are  vital  issues,  in  which  the  Nation  greatly  needs 
a  revival  of  interest  and  concern.  It  is  senseless  to  boast 
of  our  liberty  when  we  find  that  to  so  shocking  an  extent 
it  is  merely  the  liberty  to  go  ill-governed.  It  is  time  to 
take  warning  that  neither  the  liberties  we  prize  nor  the 
system  under  which  we  claim  them  are  safe  while  such 
conditions  exist. 

We  shall  not  correct  admitted  and  grave  defects  if  we 
hesitate  to  recognize  them.  We  must  be  frank  with  our- 
selves. We  ought  to  be  our  own  harshest  critics.  We  can 
afford  to  be,  for  in  spite  of  everything  we  still  have  a  bal- 
ance of  prosperity,  of  general  welfare,  of  secure  freedom, 
and  of  righteous  purpose,  that  gives  us  assurance  of  lead- 
ership among  the  nations. 

What  America  needs  is  to  hold  to  its  ancient  and  well- 
charted  course. 

Our  country  was  conceived  in  the  theory  of  local  self- 
government.  It  has  been  dedicated  by  long  practice  to 
that  wise  and  beneficent  policy.  It  is  the  foundation 
principle  of  our  system  of  liberty.  It  makes  the  largest 
promise  to  the  freedom  and  development  of  the  individual. 
Its  preservation  is  worth  all  the  effort  and  all  the  sacrifice 
that  it  may  cost. 

It  can  not  be  denied  that  the  present  tendency  is  not  in 


harmony  with  this  spirit.  The  individual,  instead  of  work- 
ing out  his  own  salvation  and  securing  his  own  freedom 
by  establishing  his  own  economic  and  moral  independence 
by  his  own  industry  and  his  own  self-mastery,  tends  to 
throw  himself  on  some  vague  influence  which  he  denomi- 
nates society  and  to  hold  that  in  some  way  responsible 
for  the  sufficiency  of  his  support  and  the  morality  of  his 
actions.  The  local  political  units  likewise  look  to  the  States, 
the  States  look  to  the  Nation,  and  nations  are  beginning 
to  look  to  some  vague  organization,  some  nebulous  con- 
course of  humanity,  to  pay  their  bills  and  tell  them  what 
to  do.  This  is  not  local  self-government.  It  is  not  Ameri- 
can. It  is  not  the  method  which  has  made  this  country 
what  it  is.  We  can  not  maintain  the  western  standard  of 
civilization  on  that  theory.  If  it  is  supported  at  all,  it 
will  have  to  be  supported  on  the  principle  of  individual 
responsibility.  If  that  principle  be  maintained,  the  result 
which  I  believe  America  wishes  to  see  produced  inevitably 
will  follow. 

There  is  no  other  foundation  on  which  freedom  has  ever 
found  a  permanent  abiding  place.  We  shall  have  to  make 
our  decision  whether  we  wish  to  maintain  our  present  in- 
stitutions, or  whether  we  wish  to  exchange  them  for  some- 
thing else.  If  we  permit  some  one  to  come  to  support  us, 
we  can  not  prevent  some  one  coming  to  govern  us.  If  we 
are  too  weak  to  take  charge  of  our  own  mortality,  we 
shall  not  be  strong  enough  to  take  charge  of  our  own  liberty. 
If  we  can  not  govern  ourselves,  if  we  can  not  observe  the 
law,  nothing  remains  but  to  have  some  one  else  govern  us,  to 
have  the  law  enforced  against  us,  and  to  step  down  from 
the  honorable  abiding  place  of  freedom  to  the  ignominious 
abode  of  servitude. 

If  these  principles  are  sound,  two  conclusions  follow. 
The  individual  and  the  local,  state,  and  national  political 
units  ought  to  be  permitted  to  assume  their  own  responsi- 


bilities.  Any  other  course  in  the  end  will  be  subversive  both 
of  character  and  liberty.  But  it  is  equally  clear  that  they 
in  their  turn  must  meet  their  obligations.  If  there  is  to  be 
a  continuation  of  individual  and  local  self-government  and 
of  State  sovereignty,  the  individual  and  locality  must  gov- 
ern themselves  and  the  State  must  assert  its  sovereignty. 
Otherwise  these  rights  and  privileges  will  be  confiscated 
under  the  all-compelling  pressure  of  public  necessity  for  a 
better  maintenance  of  order  and  morality.  The  whole  world 
has  reached  a  stage  in  which,  if  we  do  not  set  ourselves 
right,  we  may  be  perfectly  sure  that  an  authority  will  be 
asserted  by  others  for  the  purpose  of  setting  us  right. 

But  before  we  attempt  to  set  ourselves  up  as  exponents 
of  universal  reform,  it  would  be  wise  to  remember  that 
progress  is  of  slow  growth,  and  also  to  remember  that  mod- 
eration, patience,  forbearance,  and  charity  are  virtues  in 
their  own  right.  The  only  action  which  can  be  effective  in 
the  long  run  is  that  which  helps  others  to  help  themselves. 
Before  we  assume  too  great  responsibilities  in  the  govern- 
ing of  others,  it  would  be  the  part  of  wisdom  very  completely 
to  discharge  our  responsibilities  for  governing  ourselves.  A 
large  amount  of  work  has  to  be  done  at  home  before  we 
can  start  in  on  the  neighbors,  and  very  considerable  duties 
have  to  be  performed  in  America  before  we  undertake  the 
direction  of  the  rest  of  the  world.  But  we  must  at  all  times 
do  the  best  we  can  for  ourselves  without  forgetting  others, 
and  the  best  we  can  for  our  own  country  without  forgetting 
other  nations. 

Ours  is  a  new  land.  It  has  had  an  almost  unbelievable 
task  to  perform,  and  has  performed  it  well.  We  have  been 
called  to  fit  the  institutions  of  ancient  civilization  to  the 
conditions  of  a  new  country.  In  that  task  the  leaders  of 
the  Nation  have  been  supported  by  a  deep  devotion  to  the 
essentials  of  freedom.  At  the  bottom  of  the  national  char- 
acter has  been  a  strain  of  religious  earnestness  and  moral 

^ MM MMitfYS 


determination  which  has  never  failed  to  give  color  and 
quality  to  our  institutions.  Because  our  history  shows  us 
these  things,  we  dare  make  honest  appraisal  of  our  short- 
comings. We  have  not  failed.  We  have  succeeded.  Be- 
cause we  have  been  privileged  to  rely  upon  generations 
of  men  and  women  ready  to  serve  and  to  sacrifice,  we 
have  magnificently  succeeded. 

Our  gathering  here  to-day  is  in  testimony  of  supreme 
obligation  to  those  who  have  given  most  to  make  and  pre- 
serve the  Nation.  They  established  it  upon  the  dual  sys- 
tem of  State  government  and  Federal  Government,  each 
supreme  in  its  own  sphere.  But  they  left  to  the  States 
the  main  powers  and  functions  of  determining  the  form 
and  course  of  society.  We  have  demonstrated  in  the  time 
of  war  that  under  the  Constitution  we  possess  an  inde- 
structible Union.  We  must  not  fail  to  demonstrate  in  the 
time  of  peace  that  we  are  likewise  determined  to  possess 
and  maintain  indestructible  States.  This  policy  can  be 
greatly  advanced  by  individual  observance  of  the  law. 
It  can  be  strongly  supplemented  by  a  vigorous  enforce- 
ment of  the  law.  The  war  which  established  Memorial  Day 
had  for  its  main  purpose  the  enforcement  of  the  Consti- 
tution. The  peace  which  followed  that  war  rests  upon  the 
universal  observance  of  the  Constitution.  This  Union  can 
only  be  preserved,  the  States  can  only  be  maintained,  under 
a  reign  of  national,  local,  and  moral  law,  under  the  Con- 
stitution established  by  Washington,  under  the  peace  pro- 
vided by  Lincoln. 




We  should  not  forget  that,  in  the  world  over,  1 

the  general  attitude  and  one  of  the  strongest 

attributes  of  all  peoples  is  a  desire  to  do  right. 

Unless  we  lay  our  course  in  accordance  with  this 

principle,  the  great  power  for  good  in  the  world 

with  which  we  have  been  intrusted  by  a  Divine 

Providence  will  be  turned  to  a  power  for  evil.  * 



The  poet  reminds  us  that  "Knowledge  comes,  but  wis- 
dom lingers."  It  may  not  be  difficult  to  store  up  in  the 
mind  a  vast  quantity  of  facts  within  a  comparatively  short 
time,  but  the  ability  to  form  correct  judgments  requires  the 
severe  discipline  of  hard  work  and  the  tempering  heat  of 
experience  and  maturity.  By  your  previous  preparation 
and  by  your  four  years'  course  at  this  institution,  your 
diploma  will  testify  that  you  are  possessed  of  knowledge. 
Your  future  life  will  reveal  your  attainments  in  wisdom. 
I  have  come  here  to  express  the  faith  that  your  country 
holds  in  your  abiding  worth  and  in  your  ability  to  succeed. 

You  have  chosen  a  profession  which  represents  one  of 
the  great  military  arms  of  our  Government.  You  will  be  a 
constant  testimony  throughout  your  lives  that  America 
believes  in  military  preparation  for  national  defense,  for 
the  protection  of  the  rights,  the  security,  and  peace  of  her 
citizens.  You  will  be  called  to  places  of  responsibility  and 
command.  You  will  be  given  the  power  of  life  and  death 
over  fellow  countrymen.  You  will  represent  the  power,  the 
glory,  and  the  honor  of  this  Nation  among  foreign  peoples, 
with  all  the  prominence  that  arises  from  wearing  the  uni- 
form and  carrying  the  flag.  What  you  are  the  American 
sailor  will  be,  and  what  you  represent  the  American  Navy 
will  represent  in  the  ports  of  our  own  country  and  in  those 
of  foreign  peoples  where  little  will  be  known  of  the  nature 
of  authority  under  liberty,  save  what  is  learned  from  you. 
You  have  been  chosen  for  this  high  calling. 

Before  the  Graduating  Class,  U.  S.  Naval  Academy,  Annapolis,  Md., 
June  3,  1925. 



But  while  you  will  serve  the  Nation  in  this  special  field  of 
endeavor,  you  will  not  forget  that  the  real  profession  of 
every  American  is  citizenship.  Under  our  institutions  each 
individual  is  born  to  sovereignty.  Whatever  he  may  adopt 
as  a  means  of  livelihood,  his  real  business  is  serving  his 
country.  He  can  not  hold  himself  above  his  fellow  men. 
The  greatest  place  of  command  is  really  the  place  of  obedi- 
ence, and  the  greatest  place  of  honor  is  really  the  place  of 
service.  It  is  your  duty  in  the  part  you  propose  to  take 
to  make  the  largest  contribution  you  can  to  the  general  citi- 
zenship of  your  country. 

Not  long  ago  I  heard  a  Navy  chaplain  refer  to  the  sage 
advice  of  the  Apostle  to  put  first  things  first.  It  was  my 
understanding  that  this  meant  putting  proper  emphasis 
on  what  is  essential  in  life  and  disregarding  so  far  as  pos- 
sible that  which  is  accidental.  The  great  body  of  American 
people  will,  I  hope,  always  be  devoted  to  civilian  life.  Their 
main  purpose  has  been  and  will  be  the  maintenance  of 
an  honorable  peace.  It  may  not  have  occurred  to  some 
of  you,  but  I  feel  warranted  in  asserting  it  to  be  true  that 
your  success  lies  in  giving  a  very  large  support  to  the 
civilian  life  of  the  Nation  and  to  the  promotion  of  the 
public  peace.  If  I  were  not  convinced  that  this  is  true,  I 
shoukl  question  the  usefulness  of  the  National  Navy. 

If  we  are  to  heed  the  admonition  to  put  first  things  first, 
a  very  little  deliberation  would  reveal  to  us  that  one  of 
the  main  essentials  which  lies  at  the  very  beginnings  of 
civilization  is  that  of  security.  It  is  only  when  people  can 
feel  that  their  lives  and  the  property  which  their  industry 
has  produced  to-day  will  continue  to  be  safe  on  the  morrow 
that  there  can  be  that  stability  of  value  and  that  economic 
progress  on  which  human  development  has  always  rested. 
We  do  not  know  of  any  people  in  history  where  this  has 
not  been  first  provided  through  some  form  of  monarchy 
supported  by  a  sufficient  military  force.    This  condition  of 


THE  NAVY  239 

security  has  long  been  proverbially  characterized  among 
English-speaking  people  as  'The  King's  peace."  All  viola- 
tions of  that  security  were  crimes  against  the  Crown,  as  in 
our  Republic  they  are  crimes  against  the  State  or  the 

It  is  only  when  such  peace  and  security  have  been 
achieved  under  well-established  customs  and  the  orderly 
process  of  the  law  that  there  is  any  opportunity  for  the 
advancement  of  liberty.  When  a  people  have  begun  to  re- 
spect the  rights  of  each  other  and  maintain  common  stand- 
ards of  action,  they  have  advanced  to  a  position  where  they 
do  not  constantly  require  the  all-protecting  power  of  force 
and  can  begin  to  take  over  the  making  of  their  own  laws 
and  the  determination  of  their  own  government.  Finding 
that  they  are  secure  in  the  posession  of  life  and  property, 
they  can  begin  the  establishment  of  their  liberty.  Gradu- 
ally this  policy  develops  until  the  last  vestige  of  monarchy 
disappears  and  the  people  become  entirely  free  and  self- 

There  is  no  need  for  me  to  enlarge  in  this  presence  upon 
the  privileges  which  come  to  the  individual  in  the  develop- 
ment of  a  free  people.  They  are  the  common  experiences 
of  our  daily  life  and  the  precious  heritage  of  all  Americans. 
Freedom  in  religion  and  in  expression,  popular  education, 
increasing  production  and  more  equitable  distribution,  a 
larger  independence  of  the  mind  and  of  the  body,  the 
works  of  charity  and  humanity,  a  broader  culture,  all 
mark  a  material  and  spiritual  advance  which  follows 
in  the  progress  of  this  development.  In  all  this  prog- 
ress and  all  this  advance  it  has  never  been  possible  to 
maintain  that  first  essential  of  security  without  a  back- 
ground of  military  force.  It  is  that  background,  that  sup- 
port, that  service  which  your  profession  helps  to  provide, 
that  is  your  contribution,  one  of  the  first  things,  one  of 
the  essentials  to  the  civilian  life  of  our  country.    You  may 


not  be  actually  employed  in  production,  but  you  are  help- 
ing to  increase  the  value  of  production  and  maintain  the 
public  peace  without  which  there  could  be  no  production. 

It  is  my  firm  conviction  that  the  duty  of  national  de- 
fense, like  the  general  duty  of  citizenship,  should  be  broadly 
extended  and  borne  by  all  our  people.  We  do  not  believe 
in  or  wish  to  bear  the  expense  of  maintaining  large  standing 
military  forces.  The  very  genius  of  a  republic  would  be 
threatened  by  that  policy.  Freedom,  independence,  self- 
government  are  all  opposed  to  anything  that  assembles  a 
mercenary  force.  But  while  military  science  has  advanced 
to  such  a  degree  that  it  is  necessary  constantly  to  maintain 
a  considerable  body  of  trained  experts  in  that  profession, 
the  true  spirit  of  American  institutions  requires  that  each 
citizen  should  be  potentially  a  soldier,  ready  to  take  his 
place  in  the  ranks  in  time  of  peril,  either  in  the  field  or  in 
the  necessary  productive  activity.  Not  all  of  our  people 
can  pursue  a  long  course  of  study  so  as  to  become  trained 
military  experts  any  more  than  they  can  give  up  the 
time  to  become  trained  physicians,  jurists,  diplomats,  or 
statesmen.  Our  military  forces  on  land  and  sea  represent 
the  necessary  accomplishment  in  that  profession  the  same 
as  other  professions  are  represented  in  civilian  life.  It  is 
exactly  because  we  wish  to  keep  our  standing  forces  small 
that  the  average  citizen  must  give  some  attention  to  mili- 
tary affairs,  precisely  as  he  gives  some  attention  to  other 
Government  affairs,  in  order  that  he  may  express  a  delib- 
erate and  informed  judgment  at  the  ballot  box. 

These  are  some  of  the  principles  that  your  Government 
had  in  mind  in  giving  you  a  training  in  the  science  of  naval 
warfare  and  reposing  in  you  the  public  duty  of  maintaining 
the  learning  of  that  profession  for  the  purposes  of  national 
defense.  It  is  for  this  object  that  our  country  remains 
armed.  Though  ultimately  I  believe  peace  will  prevail,  I 
have  too  much  knowledge  of  the  history  of  mankind  and 

THE  NAVY  241 

too  much  experience  with  the  traits  of  human  nature  to 
dare  to  assert  that  we  shall  never  again  be  engaged  in 
war.  It  is  known  of  all  the  world  that  we  have  no  present 
or  traditional  enmities,  that  we  covet  no  territory,  harbor 
no  imperialistic  designs,  and  are  not  arming  ourselves  with 
the  expectation  of  attacking  or  being  attacked.  The  power 
of  our  arms  is  not  only  consistent  with,  but  ought  to  be  re- 
garded as  an  additional  guaranty  of,  the  peace  of  the  world. 
And  so  far  as  we  can  look  into  the  future,  so  far  as  we  can 
gauge  the  power  and  temper  of  other  peoples,  there  never 
was  a  time  when  it  was  less  likely  that  any  other  nation 
or  combination  of  nations  would  or  could  make  any  attack 
on  us.  Both  by  necessity  and  by  choice  the  whole  world  is 
against  war.  It  has  given  incomparable  hostages  to  peace. 
Our  own  country  is  disarmed,  has  adopted  the  policy  of 
limitation  of  naval  armaments,  has  voluntarily  imposed  re- 
strictions upon  the  traffic  in  arms,  and  is  taking  part  in  ne- 
gotiations to  secure  an  agreement  to  extend  such  restric- 
tion among  other  nations.  The  policy  of  peace  through 
reason  rather  than  peace  through  force  is  one  in  which 
America  has  taken  and  ought  always  to  continue  to  take 
a  leading  part. 

As  I  have  already  tried  to  make  clear,  I  regard  our  Navy 
as  a  great  instrument  of  peace.  As  such  it  can  not  fail  to 
secure  adequate  support  from  the  Public  Treasury  and 
command  the  confidence  and  admiration  of  the  American 
people.  Whatever  aid  can  be  given  by  voluntary  associa- 
tions in  advancing  the  welfare  of  the  Navy  and  keeping 
the  public  informed  of  its  true  aims  and  purposes  and  its 
necessary  needs  is  entirely  welcome  and  thoroughly  to  be 
commended.  The  officers  of  the  Navy  are  given  the  fullest 
latitude  in  expressing  their  views  before  their  fellow  citi- 
zens, subject,  of  course,  to  the  requirements  of  not  betraying 
those  confidential  affairs  which  would  be  detrimental  to  the 
service.    It  seems  to  me  perfectly  proper  for  anyone  upon 


any  suitable  occasion  to  advocate  the  maintenance  of  a 
Navy  in  keeping  with  the  greatness  and  dignity  of  our 
country.  But  as  one  who  is  responsible  not  only  for  our 
national  defense,  but  likewise  our  friendly  relations  with 
other  peoples  and  our  title  to  the  good  opinion  of  the 
world,  I  feel  that  the  occasion  will  very  seldom  arise,  and 
I  know  it  does  not  now  exist,  when  those  connected  with 
our  Navy  are  justified,  either  directly  or  by  inference,  in 
asserting  that  other  specified  powers  are  arming  against  us, 
and  by  arousing  national  suspicion  and  hatred  attempting 
to  cause  us  to  arm  against  them. 

The  suggestion  that  any  other  people  are  harboring  a 
hostile  intent  toward  us  is  a  very  serious  charge  to  make. 
We  would  not  relish  having  our  honorable  motives  and 
peaceful  intentions  questioned;  others  can  not  relish  hav- 
ing any  of  us  question  theirs.  We  should  not  forget  that 
in  the  world  over  the  general  attitude  and  one  of  the  strong- 
est attributes  of  all  peoples  is  a  desire  to  do  right.  Unless 
we  lay  our  course  in  accordance  with  this  principle,  the 
great  power  for  good  in  the  world  with  which  we  have  been 
intrusted  by  a  Divine  Providence  will  be  turned  to  a 
power  for  evil.  We  shall  make  no  progress  and  be  of  no 
benefit  to  ourselves  or  to  anyone  else. 

In  a  recent  address  made  by  Ambassador  Houghton,  who 
represents  us  at  the  Court  of  St.  James,  he  gave  utterance 
to  a  great  truth  most  admirably  expressed  when  he  said  that 
"Peace  is  an  adventure  in  faith."  That  was  a  thought  most 
appropriate  to  these  times.  The  chief  reliance  of  the  world 
is  faith.  We  can  not  maintain  any  of  our  necessary  rela- 
tions without  it.  It  is  one  of  those  first  things  which  must 
be  put  first.  It  is  one  of  the  main  elements  of  the  Navy. 
How  far  could  you  proceed  in  organization  or  discipline,  or 
what  would  be  the  result  in  battle,  if  the  officers  and  men  did 
not  cherish  an  almost  absolute  faith  in  each  other?  Such 
a  sentiment  of  course  will  be  justified  only  by  the  knowl- 


THE  NAVY  243 

edge  that  there  exists  in  each  of  us  qualities  which  are 
worthy  of  our  trust  and  confidence.  I  want  the  Navy  when 
it  attempts  to  deal  with  our  own  people,  or  with  the  other 
peoples  of  the  earth,  to  remember  that  the  dominant  traits 
of  mankind  are  truth  and  justice  and  righteousness,  and 
that  the  appeal  to  reason  must  ultimately  prevail.  I  am 
not  arguing  that  there  is  no  evil  in  the  world.  We  are 
painfully  aware  that  it  is  altogether  too  prevalent.  But 
we  shall  make  no  progress  unless  we  do  more  than  under- 
take to  recompense  evil  with  evil.  We  must  make  our 
appeal  to  the  greater  realities.  We  must  put  the  emphasis 
not  upon  the  false,  but  upon  the  true,  not  upon  corrup- 
tion and  treachery,  but  upon  purity  and  honor.  Local  and 
national  faith  must  be  extended  to  international  faith. 

It  is  in  accordance  with  these  principles  which  are  so 
clearly  sound  that  we  base  our  belief  in  the  ability  of  na- 
tions to  compose  their  differences  by  negotiation,  by  arbi- 
tration and  by  the  judgments  of  duly  constituted  courts. 
It  is  under  this  conception  that  we  try  to  disarm  and 
mutually  agree  to  place  limits  on  the  extent  of  military 
preparation.  Man  is  a  reasonable  being  and  finally  reason 
must  assert  itself.  We  must  make  our  choice  between  hold- 
ing to  this  theory  or  holding  that  our  only  reliance  must 
be  placed  on  armed  force.  Carried  to  its  logical  conclusion, 
that  means  more  and  more  armaments,  more  and  more 
hatreds  and  suspicions,  a  return  to  the  old  plan  of  direct 
competition  in  military  preparation  with  the  certainty  that 
as  soon  as  the  world  can  arm  and  prepare  itself  after  one 
war  it  will  be  plunged  into  another. 

I  am  not  unfamiliar  with  the  claim  that  if  only  we  had  a 
sufficient  Military  Establishment  no  one  would  ever  molest 
us.  I  know  of  no  nation  in  history  that  has  ever  been  able 
to  attain  that  position.  I  see  no  reason  to  expect  that  we 
could  be  the  exception.  Although  I  believe  thoroughly  in 
adequate  military  preparations,  what  I  am  trying  to  argue 


is  that  they  are  not  sufficient  unto  themselves.  I  do  not 
believe  the  American  Navy  can  succeed  if  it  represents 
mere  naked  force.  I  want  to  see  it  represent  much  more 
than  that.  We  must  place  it  on  a  much  higher  plane.  We 
must  make  it  an  instrument  of  righteousness.  If  we  are 
to  promote  peace  on  earth,  we  must  have  a  great  deal  more 
than  the  power  of  the  sword.  We  must  call  into  action 
the  spiritual  and  moral  forces  of  mankind. 

The  world  moves  forward  under  a  reign  of  law.  Our  own 
great  Admiral  Dewey,  the  hero  of  Manila  Bay,  being  ap- 
proached one  time  with  the  suggestion  that  he  become  a 
candidate  for  office,  was  asked  what  platform  he  would 
adopt.  He  replied,  "The  Constitution  and  the  flag."  By 
that  he  meant  law  and  loyalty.  You  will  stand  peculiarily 
as  the  guardians  of  that  great  instrument,  as  supporters  of 
that  great  symbol.  You  will  always  remember  the  provi- 
sion of  the  sixth  article,  which  declares  that  "This  Consti- 
tution and  the  laws  of  the  United  States  which  shall  be 
made  in  pursuance  thereof;  and  all  treaties  made,  or  which 
shall  be  made,  under  the  authority  of  the  United  States, 
shall  be  the  supreme  law  of  the  land."  Acting  in  accord- 
ance with  this  supreme  law  of  the  land,  through  their  duly 
constituted  Government,  your  fellow  citizens  are  commit- 
ting into  your  keeping  the  solemn  and  sacred  duty  of  guard- 
ing and  preserving  the  integrity  of  the  law  of  the  land  and 
of  defending  and  increasing  the  honor  and  glory  of  the  na- 
tional colors.  When  the  commendations  of  your  fellow 
countrymen  shall  come  to  you,  when  you  shall  have  won 
world-wide  fame  by  the  faithful  discharge  of  your  duty  in 
the  service  of  your  country,  when  in  your  declining  years 
you  shall  seek  for  the  last  best  refuge  of  human  freedom, 
may  your  life  experience  inevitably  and  unhesitatingly  turn 
your  thoughts  to  the  Constitution  and  the  flag. 



//  one  were  seeking  proof  of  a  basic  brotherhood 
among  all  races  of  men,  if  one  were  to  challenge  i 

the  riddle  of  Babel  in  support  of  aspirations  for 
a  unity  capable  of  assuring  peace  to  the  nations, 
in  such  an  inquiry  I  suppose  no  better  testimony 
could  be  talen  than  the  experience  of  this  coun- 
try. Out  of  the  confusion  of  tongues,  the  con- 
flict of  traditions,  the  variations  of  historical 
setting,  the  vast  differences  in  talents  and  tastes 
there  has  been  evolved  a  spiritual  union  accom- 
panied by  a  range  of  capacity  and  genius  which 
marks  this  Nation  for  a  preeminent  destiny. 






«7r»i  «r    ■  — -J— 


How  often  in  the  affairs  of  this  world  a  small  and  appar- 
ently insignificant  occurrence  turns  out  to  be  an   event 
of  great  importance,   carrying  in  its  train  a  mighty  in- 
fluence for  good  or  evil.     Such  importance  always  flows 
from  the  character  of  those  concerned.     The  generations 
of  the  earth  treasure  the  rude  hut  that  sheltered  the  in- 
fancy of  Abraham   Lincoln,   seek  out  the  birthplace   of 
Shakespeare,  and  give  to  the  uninviting  soil  of  Palestine 
the  title  of  the  Holy  Land,  all  because  certain  obscure  hap- 
penings in  those  places  produced  those  who  left  a  broad  J 
mark  upon  the  future  course  of  humanity.    The  character  - 
of  the  participants  brought  future  fame.    It  is  such  an  event                       n 
that  we  meet  to  commemorate  to-day.    One  hundred  years 
ago  a  little  bark  sailed  from  Norway  to  America,    It  was  al-                      m 
most  unnoticed  at  the  time,  save  for  the  daring  and  hardi- 
hood of  its  navigators;  but  it  brought  with  it  the  repre-  j 
sentatives  of  a  stalwart  race,  men  and  women  of  fixed 
determination,  enduring  courage  and  high  character,  who 
were  to  draw  in  their  retinue  a  long  line  of  their  fellow 
countrymen  destined  to  change  the  face  of  an  area  broad 
as  an  empire,  direct  the  historic  course  of  sovereign  States, 
and  contribute  to  the  salvation  of  a  great  nation.    These 
mighty  works  have  been  wrought  because  those  Norwegian 
immigrants  were  well  worthy  to  follow  in  the  wake  of  the 
Pilgrim  and  Cavalier. 

This  celebration  is  most  happily  identified  with  the  pres- 
ent year,  which  is  an  anniversary  of  notable  events  in  the 

Before  the  Norwegian  Centennial  Celebration,  at  Minnesota  State  Fair 
Grounds,  June  8,  1925. 



history  of  our  country.  We  are  rounding  out  a  century 
and  a  half  from  the  beginning  of  the  American  Revolution. 
It  was  a  half  a  century  from  the  days  of  Concord  and 
Lexington  to  the  beginning  of  that  stream  of  immigration 
from  Norway  which  was  to  help  guarantee  that  the  spirit 
of  freedom  which  had  been  so  triumphant  in  the  Colonies 
should  not  be  lost  to  the  States. 

When  we  consider  the  astonishing  number  of  immigrants 
which  the  Scandinavian  countries  have  contributed  in  pro- 
portion to  their  own  population  to  making  the  body  of 
American  citizenship,  we  will  appreciate  the  significance 
of  this  anniversary.  It  well  deserves  the  consideration  it 
is  receiving  here  in  this  State  which  has  so  richly  profited 
by  a  larger  proportion  of  this  north-of-Europe  immigra- 
tion than  any  other  Commonwealth.  Minnesota  would 
not  be  Minnesota,  the  group  of  imperial  northwestern 
States  would  not  be  what  they  are,  but  for  the  contribution 
that  has  been  made  to  them  by  the  Scandinavian  countries. 

Because  of  a  profound  appreciation  of  that  contribution 
and  of  its  truly  national  value  I  have  found  it  an  especial 
pleasure  to  come  here  and  join  in  this  commemoration. 
In  the  midst  of  loyalties  that  are  all  beyond  possibility  of 
question,  it  may  be  difficult  to  choose  among  the  many 
national  and  racial  groups  that  have  sought  out  America 
for  their  home  and  their  country.  We  are  thankful  for 
all  of  them,  and  yet  more  thankful  that  the  experiment 
of  their  common  citizenship  has  been  so  magnificently  jus- 
tified in  its  results.  If  one  were  seeking  proof  of  a  basic 
brotherhood  among  all  races  of  men,  if  one  were  to  chal- 
lenge the  riddle  of  Babel  in  support  of  aspirations  for  a 
unity  capable  of  assuring  peace  to  the  nations,  in  such  an 
inquiry  I  suppose  no  better  testimony  could  be  taken  than 
the  experience  of  this  country.  Out  of  the  confusion  of 
tongues,  the  conflict  of  traditions,  the  variations  of  histori- 
cal setting,  the  vast  differences  in  talents  and  tastes  there 

t   -,m  "■£■»  "V  ~w 



has  been  evolved  a  spiritual  union  accompanied  by  a  range 
of  capacity  and  genius  which  marks  this  Nation  for  a 
preeminent  destiny.  The  American  people  have  com- 
manded the  respect  of  the  world. 

It  is  a  good  thing  that  anniversaries  such  as  this  are  so 
widely  commemorated.  The  next  few  years  will  be  filled 
with  a  continuing  succession  of  similar  occasions.  I  wish 
that  every  one  of  them  might  be  so  impressively  celebrated 
that  all  Americans  would  be  moved  to  study  the  history 
which  each  one  represents.  I  can  think  of  no  effort  that 
would  produce  so  much  inspiration  to  high  and  intelligent 
patriotism.  Occasions  of  this  nature  bring  to  our  attention 
whole  regions  of  the  past  that  would  otherwise  remain  un- 
explored, tend  to  be  forgotten  even  by  scholars,  and  pass 
entirely  from  the  public  mind.  These  incentives  to  special 
examination  of  particular  historical  phases  teach  us  better 
to  understand  our  country  and  our  countrymen.  Anyone 
who  will  study  the  institutions  and  people  of  America  will 
come  more  and  more  to  admire  them. 

One  reason  that  moved  me  to  accept  the  cordial  invita- 
tions to  come  here  to-day  was  the  hope  of  directing  some 
measure  of  national  attention  to  the  absorbingly  interesting 
subject  of  the  social  backgrounds  of  our  country.  The  mak- 
ing of  such  a  country  is  not  to  be  told  in  any  mere  category 
of  dates,  battles,  political  evolutions,  and  partisan  con- 
troversies. Back  of  all  these,  which  are  too  often  the  chief 
material  of  history,  lies  the  human  story  of  the  unsung 
millions  of  plain  people  whose  names  are  strangers  to  public 
place  and  fame.  Their  lives  have  been  replete  with  quiet, 
unpretentious,  modest  but  none  the  less  heroic  virtues. 
From  these  has  been  composed  the  sum  of  that  magnificent 
and  wondrous  adventure,  the  making  of  our  own  America. 
Somewhere  in  the  epic  of  struggle  to  subjugate  a  continent 
there  will  be  found  a  philosophy  of  human  relations  that 
the  world  will  greatly  prize.    If  we  could  seize  and  fix  it, 


if  we  could  turn  it  over,  examine  and  understand  it,  we 
would  have  taken  a  long  step  toward  solving  some  of  the 
hardest  problems  of  mankind. 

It  is  not  so  many  years  since  visitors  from  other  quarters 
of  the  world  were  wont  to  contemplate  our  concourse  of 
races,  origins,  and  interests,  and  shake  their  heads  omi- 
nously. They  feared  that  from  such  a  melting  pot  of 
diverse  elements  we  could  never  draw  the  tested,  tempered 
metal  that  is  the  only  substance  for  national  character. 
Even  among  ourselves  were  many  who  listened  with  serious 
concern  to  such  forebodings.  They  were  not  quite  sure 
whether  we  had  created  a  nation  with  the  soul  of  a  nation. 
They  wondered  if  perhaps  we  had  merely  brought  together 
a  large  number  of  people  in  a  large  place.  Had  these  mis- 
givings been  justified  when  the  hour  of  trial  came,  it  would 
have  meant  disaster  to  us  and  to  the  world.  But  instead  of 
crumbling  into  a  chaos  of  discordant  elements,  America 
proved  its  truly  national  unity.  It  demonstrated  con- 
clusively that  there  is  a  spiritual  quality  shared  by  all  races 
and  conditions  of  men  which  is  their  universal  heritage 
and  common  nature.  Powerful  enough  to  hold  this  people 
to  a  high  ideal  in  time  of  supreme  trial,  why  may  we  not 
hope  that  the  same  influence  will  at  length  reach  men  and 
women  wherever  they  are  found  on  earth?  If  fraternity 
and  cooperation  are  possible  on  the  scale  of  this  continent 
among  people  so  widely  diverse,  why  not  on  the  scale  of 
a  world?  It  is  not  a  new  thought,  but  it  is  a  profoundly 
engaging  one.  I  firmly  believe  it  is  more  than  a  chimera. 
I  feel  it  is  possible  of  realization.  I  am  convinced  that  our 
national  story  might  somewhat  help  to  guide  mankind 
toward  such  a  goal.  Therefore,  I  urge  the  deeply  thought- 
ful study  and  teaching  of  our  history. 

No  country  has  a  history  which  starts  with  its  discovery 
or  at  its  boundaries.  For  the  real  beginnings  of  any  people 
we  must  go  back  to  the  beginnings  of  all  peoples.    From 



the  tombs  of  Egypt  and  the  sands  of  Mesopotamia  men 
are  now  unearthing  the  records  of  civilizations  so  ancient 
that  by  comparison  we  think  of  the  recovered  wonders  of 
Carthage  as  almost  modern.  But  all  that  we  shall  learn 
from  the  glyphs  of  Ur,  the  tombs  of  the  Pharaohs,  and  the 
monuments  of  Crete  and  Carthage  is  part  of  our  own  his- 
tory, illumination  for  our  to-days,  guideposts  on  the  way 
to  our  to-morrows.    All  the  past  lives  in  the  present.    All  j 

the  works  and  thoughts  of  those  who  have  gone  before 
have  left  their  mark  on  what  we  think  and  do. 

These  Norsemen  whose  beginnings  in  the  United  States 
we  here  celebrate  have  exercised  a  great  influence  upon  I 

our  modern  history  and  western  civilization  which  it  is 
difficult  to  match  among  any  other  like  number  of  people. 
In  many  ways  their  influence  upon  northern  and  western 
Europe  may  be  compared  to  that  of  the  Greek  states  upon 
the  civilization  of  the  Mediterranean.  They  were  the  first 
deep-sea  navigators.  They  pioneered  the  migrations  which 
boldly  struck  across  the  western  waters.  They  were  at  once 
the  terrors  of  the  Western  Roman  Empire  and  the  guardians 
of  the  Eastern.  The  medieval  Mediterranean  was  a  happy 
hunting  ground  for  them.  They  branded  their  name  upon 
French  Normandy,  and  from  it  descended  upon  Britain  in 
the  Norman  conquest  from  which  there  was  the  beginning 
of  modern  English  history. 

But  even  before  William  of  Normandy  had  conquered 
at  Hastings,  Lief  the  son  of  Erik,  nearly  500  years  before 
Columbus,  appears  to  have  found  the  New  World.  Indeed, 
there  seems  little  doubt  that  several  centuries  before 
Columbus  saw  the  light  of  day  there  was  born  upon  Ameri- 
can soil,  of  Norse  parents,  a  boy  who  afterward  became 
so  great  a  mathematician  and  astronomer  that  his  studies 
may  have  contributed  much  to  the  fund  of  knowledge 
which  helped  Columbus  formulate  his  vision  of  the  world 
as  we  know  it.     Among  the  fascinating  chapters  in  the 








history  of  the  dark  ages  is  the  story  of  Iceland.  As  a  little 
Norse  Republic  it  maintained  itself  for  several  centuries  as 
one  of  the  real  repositories  of  ancient  culture  in  a  world 
whose  lamp  of  learning  seemed  near  to  flickering  out.  We 
have  long  known  of  the  noble  Icelandic  literature  which 
was  produced  during  those  generations  of  the  intellectual 
twilight ;  but  we  know  too  little  of  the  part  which  Iceland 
performed  as  an  outpost  of  the  sturdy  northern  culture 
in  bridging  over  the  gulf  of  darkness  between  the  ancient 
and  modern  eras  of  history. 

These  sons  of  Thor  and  Odin  and  the  great  free  North 
shape  themselves  in  the  mind's  eye  as  very  princes  of  high 
and  hardy  adventure.  From  Norway  to  Iceland,  from  Ice- 
land to  Greenland,  from  Greenland  to  the  mainland,  step 
by  step  they  worked  their  way  across  the  north  Atlantic. 
They  found  the  western  ocean,  and  it  was  a  Norseman  who 
first  traversed  Bering  Strait  and  demonstrated  that  there 
was  no  land  connection  between  Asia  and  North  America. 
One  wonders  whither  these  Northmen  would  turn  for  ad- 
venture if  the  earth  should  ever  be  so  completely  charted 
that  exploration  offered  no  more  challenges.  Within  a  very 
few  years  one  of  them  first  traversed  the  northwest  passage 
from  Atlantic  to  Pacific;  and  the  same  one,  Amundsen, 
carried  the  flag  of  Norway  to  the  South  Pole;  and  now, 
within  a  few  days  past,  he  has  been  the  first  to  make  large 
explorations  in  the  region  of  the  North  Pole  in  an  airplane, 
tempting  a  fate  which,  as  I  write,  is  unknown. 

One  likes  to  linger  over  these  tales  of  adventure  and  ex- 
ploration. One  of  them  has  a  special  significance  in  con- 
nection with  this  celebration  which  entitles  it  to  more  par- 
ticular reference.  This,  of  course,  is  the  voyage  of  the  little 
sloop  Restaur  ationen,  which  in  1825  brought  the  first  or- 
ganized party  of  Norwegian  immigrants  to  this  country. 
One  reared  on  the  New  England  tradition  of  the  Mayflower 
will  find  all  the  materials  for  a  new  legend  of  pioneering  in 




the  voyage  of  the  Restaurationen.  She  was  a  sloop  of  45 
tons,  whereas  the  Mayflower  was  rated  as  180  tons.  The 
Restaurationen  sailed  from  Stavanger,  Norway,  on  July  4, 
1825,  with  a  desperately  heavy  cargo  of  iron  and  a  party 
of  fifty-two  people.  She  came  safely  into  the  port  of  New 
York  after  a  voyage  of  fourteen  weeks,  which  compares 
with  nine  weeks  required  for  the  historic  passage  of  the 

The  arrival  of  the  Restaurationen  created  a  sensation 
among  those  inured  to  the  sea.  It  was  claimed  that  she  was 
the  smallest  vessel  that  had  ever  made  the  trans-Atlantic 
crossing.  The  New  York  authorities  threatened  to  deny  her 
the  privileges  of  the  port  on  the  ground  that  she  carried 
too  many  passengers  and  too  much  cargo.  She  was  ulti- 
mately released,  apparently  through  the  influence  of  the 
Society  of  Friends.    Most  of  her  passengers  seemed  to  have  * 

been  members  of  a  Norwegian  religious  community  inti-  J 

mately  related  to  the  Quakers,  and  it  appears  that  one  of  • 

their  reasons  for  coming  to  this  country  was  that  they  had 
not  enjoyed  entire  liberty  of  religious  opinion  at  home. 
Thus  the  parallel  between  the  voyages  of  the  Mayflower 
and  of  the  Restaurationen,  despite  that  they  were  separated  I 

by  more  than  200  years,  is  impressive  in  several  ways. 

Almost  without  money  or  supplies,  the  little  company  of 
immigrants  were  taken  in  charge  by  the  New  York  Quakers 
who  raised  funds  to  send  them  to  Kendall,  Orleans  County, 
N.  Y.  There  they  secured  lands  and  established  the  first 
Norwegian  settlement  in  this  country.  It  is  a  curious  cir- 
cumstance that  although  the  Norwegians  are  among  the 
greatest  seafaring  peoples,  this  party  was  composed  almost 
entirely  of  farmers,  so  that  their  first  interest  was  to  get 
land.  And  ever  since,  the  greater  share  of  Norwegians  have 
come  in  search  of  homes  on  the  land.  These  first  immi- 
grants having  practically  no  money,  bought  a  tract  on  the 
shore  of  Lake  Ontario  for  $5  per  acre  to  be  paid  for  in  ten 


annual  instalments.  It  is  hard  to  realize  that  western 
New  York  so  late  as  1825  was  so  far  on  the  frontier.  Their 
land  was  heavily  timbered,  and  they  were  compelled  not 
only  to  clear  it  but  to  build  their  own  shelter.  The  first 
house  is  said  to  have  been  a  log  cabin  twelve  feet  square, 
with  a  garret.  In  this  twenty-one  of  them  lived  for  a  time, 
the  men  seeking  such  scanty  employment  as  was  to  be  found 
in  the  neighborhood  to  support  them  through  the  winter. 
The  only  one  in  the  party  who  could  speak  English  was 
Capt.  Lars  Olson  and  he  had  remained  in  New  York. 

Despite  poverty  and  hardships,  the  colony  thrived,  and 
its  members  were  shortly  writing  letters  back  to  Norway 
describing  the  opportunities  of  America  and  urging  friends 
to  come.  From  this  beginning  the  stream  of  Norwegian 
immigration  set  in,  but  most  of  the  later  comers  went  much 
farther  west.  A  few  years  after  the  settlement  at  Kendall 
another  party  went  to  La  Salle  County,  111.  Already  the 
west  was  fascinating  them  and  many  of  the  original  Kendall 
colony  sold  out  and  went  on  to  Illinois.  Thence  the  migra- 
tion spread  to  other  States  of  the  middle  west  and  north- 
west. Even  before  it  was  formed  into  a  Territory,  Iowa  had 
received  its  first  Norwegians,  and  from  about  1835  they 
spread  rapidly  into  Wisconsin,  Minnesota,  the  Dakotas, 
and  other  States. 

It  is  not  possible,  as  it  is  certainly  not  needful  on  this 
occasion,  even  to  summarize  the  story  of  Norwegian  immi- 
gration. But  it  should  be  explained  that  while  the  settle- 
ment of  1825  in  Orleans  County,  N.  Y.,  was  the  first 
Norwegian  settlement  and  represented  the  first  organized 
immigration,  these  pioneers  of  the  Restaurationen  were  not 
the  first  Norwegians  to  come  here.  Considerable  numbers 
had  come  even  before  the  Revolutionary  War  and  some  as 
far  back  as  the  earliest  colonial  years.  There  were  Nor- 
wegians in  both  Army  and  Navy  during  the  Revolution 
and  the  War  of  1812.    But  the  fact  remains  that  the  great 



movement  which  established  Norwegian  communities  all 
over  the  northwest  and  contributed  so  greatly  to  the  build- 
ing of  that  part  of  the  country  began  with  the  voyage  of 
the  Restaurationen.  It  is  said  that  Norwegians  and  their 
descendants  in  this  country  are  now  just  about  as  numerous 
as  the  population  of  Norway  itself.  Norway  is  credited 
with  furnishing  a  larger  number  of  settlers  to  the  United 
States  in  proportion  to  its  population  than  any  other  Euro- 
pean country  except  one. 

It  is  frequently  noted  regarding  immigration  that  the 
newcomers  from  Europe  commonly  sought  climatic  condi- 
tions here  like  those  in  which  they  had  been  raised.  So  the 
Scandinavians  are  found  chiefly  in  the  northern  parts  of  this 
country.  About  eighty  per  cent  of  the  population  of  Norway 
is   agricultural,    the   remainder   maritime    and    industrial.  % 

These  proportions  are  closely  carried  out  in  the  occupational  J 

distribution  here.     A  great  majority  sought  the  land,  but  j 

considerable  numbers  have  always  followed  the  sea.    Some  q 

of  the  coincidences  in  connection  with  this  migration  are 
oddly  interesting.  Thus  we  have  noted  that  the  little  sloop 
Restaurationen  brought  a  cargo  of  iron;  to-day  Minnesota 
has  more  Norwegians  and  produces  more  iron  ore  than  any  * 

other  State.  Again,  Norway  is  a  land  of  wonderful  fresh- 
water lakes,  and  it  is  closely  matched  by  Minnesota. 

There  is  one  phase  in  the  story  of  immigration  which 
seems  always  to  characterize  it.  Once  the  tide  had  set  in 
from  a  particular  European  country,  the  movement  there- 
after has  invariably  been  encouraged  by  the  early  comers. 
Not  only  did  they  urge  relatives  and  friends  in  the  old 
home  to  come,  but  they  devoted  their  new-found  prosperity 
to  help  them.  On  this  subject  there  is  an  opportunity  for 
some  useful  historical  research.  In  the  pre-Revolutionary 
days  immigration  to  America  seems  to  have  been  encour- 
aged from  the  other  side,  partly  from  political  and  partly 
from  business  motives.    The  colonizing  countries  of  Europe 



competed  to  control  the  best  parts  of  the  New  World  by- 
occupying  it  with  their  colonies.  Immigration  was  en- 
couraged both  by  the  Governments  and  by  companies  of 
merchant  adventurers.  At  that  stage  of  the  movement,  of 
course,  the  colonies  possessed  no  wealth  to  help  their  friends 
to  come.  But  after  the  Revolution  the  situation  greatly 
changed.  New  political  conditions  made  this  country  more 
attractive  than  ever  before,  and  developing  wealth  and 
opportunity  emphasized  its  invitation.  So  we  find  the  peo- 
ple of  our  Republic  deliberately  and  consciously  encourag- 
ing the  movement  in  this  direction.  There  is  opportunity 
for  a  much  more  detailed  examination  of  these  factors  in 
the  European  migration  than  has  yet  been  undertaken. 
It  would  be  a  profoundly  interesting  contribution  to  the 
story  of  this  greatest  of  all  migrations  that  humanity  has 
ever  accomplished  if  we  could  know  more  of  the  precise 
motives  which  have  animated  it. 

The  contribution  of  this  country  to  financing  immigration 
of  the  last  century  and  a  third  has  certainly  run  into  hun- 
dreds of  millions  of  dollars,  perhaps  into  billions.  It  has 
had  a  profound  social  influence,  both  here  and  in  Europe. 
Its  economic  consequences  could  hardly  be  overestimated. 
A  detailed  inquiry  into  these  facts  should  include  a  close 
consideration  of  all  the  great  migrations  which  have  marked 
the  distribution  of  men  throughout  the  world.  Man  seems 
to  have  been  from  his  beginnings  the  most  migratory  of 
animals.  His  earlier  movements  appear  to  have  had  their 
chief  motive  in  adventure  and  the  desire  to  find  the  regions 
where  existence  was  most  comfortable.  There  could  hardly 
have  been  a  very  serious  pressure  of  population,  for  it  is 
only  in  recent  historic  times  that  this  factor  has  existed. 
Some  very  early  migrations  were  doubtless  due  to  climatic 
or  other  physical  conditions.  Later  on  political,  social,  re- 
ligious, and  economic  reasons  caused  the  movements.  Some 
went  forth  to  make  conquests,  others  were  driven  out  by 


conquest.  The  children  of  Israel  migrated  into  Egypt  to 
escape  from  famine.  They  left  Egypt  to  escape  from  bond- 
age and  to  recover  their  religious  liberty.  The  old  Romans 
and  Phoenicians  were  great  colonizers,  the  Romans  from 
imperialistic  motives  and  the  Phoenicians  from  desire  to 
extend  their  trade.  The  European  migration  to  the  Ameri- 
can Continent  represented  in  its  various  phases  all  the 
causes  that  have  operated  through  the  ages  to  bring  about 
such  shifts  of  population.  In  the  beginning  there  was 
chiefly  the  motive  of  exploration  and  adventure.  Later 
came  the  desire  to  be  freed  from  onerous  clerical  or  political 
restrictions.  Then,  with  the  realization  of  America's  enor- 
mous resources,  there  was  the  wish  to  share  in  its  developing 
riches.  Only  in  the  later  stages  of  the  movement  did  the 
people  of  this  country  reach  their  hand  of  welcome  to  the 
friends  across  the  Atlantic,  both  urging  and  assisting  them  J 

to  come.  I 

Though  I  make  no  pretense  to  deep  studies  in  the  subject,  n 

yet  I  have  been  impressed  that  in  this  last  regard  the  shift 
of  Old-World  peoples  to  this  side  of  the  Atlantic  was  per- 
haps unique.  From  the  time  when  their  fast-developing 
institutions  of  popular  government,  religious  freedom,  and  * 

intellectual  liberality  had  begun  to  take  definite  and  attrac- 
tive forms,  the  people  of  the  Colonies  took  a  new  interest 
in  inducing  their  European  relatives  to  follow  them  thither. 
They  engaged  in  an  inverted  crusade,  a  conquest  without 
invasion  and  without  force.  The  new  country  offered  not 
only  material  opportunities,  but  possibilities  of  a  spiritual 
and  intellectual  emancipation  which  they  ardently  wished 
their  friends  on  the  other  side  to  share.  Citizenship  in 
the  New  World  meant  something  that  it  had  not  meant  in 
the  Old.  It  was  seen  that  the  New  World  offered  something 
new.  There  was  increasing  realization  that  many  burden- 
some traditions  and  institutions  had  somehow  been  shed. 
Here  at  last  the  individual  was  lord  of  himself,  master  of 


his  own  destiny,  keeper  of  his  own  sovereignty,    Here  he 
was  free. 

With  the  eighteenth  century's  epoch  of  intellectual  liber- 
alism there  came  yet  more  sharp  realization  that  the  new 
country  was  not  bound  to  ancient  manners  and  prejudices, 
and  that  therefore  it  offered  to  the  common  man  a  better 
chance.  Here  he  might  realize  that  ideal  of  equality  which 
by  this  time  was  so  generally  finding  a  lodgment  in  Euro- 
pean minds.  This  spiritual  evolution  moved  rather  slowly 
during  the  first  two-thirds  of  the  eighteenth  century.  The 
Seven  Years'  War,  or  as  we  commonly  call  it,  the  French 
and  Indian  War,  was  for  the  Colonies  a  period  of  rapid 
awakening  and  realization.  They  began  to  find  themselves, 
to  formulate  more  definite  aspirations  for  their  future.  But 
it  does  not  appear  that  this  new  conception  of  American 
destiny  began  in  any  important  way  to  be  shared  in  Europe 
until  the  Revolution,  independence  and  the  establishment 
of  the  Federal  Government  forced  it  upon  the  old  countries. 
Then  a  new  idea  began  to  fix  itself  in  the  European  mind. 
The  new  country  was  seen  as  an  essentially,  vitally,  basically 
different  conception  of  human  relationships.  It  appeared 
not  merely  as  a  new  country,  but  as  a  different  kind  of 
country.  It  was  considered  not  only  different  from  Europe, 
but  different  from  any  earlier  social  creations.  The  Euro- 
pean peoples  had  been  greatly  stirred  by  the  intellectual 
awakening  of  the  eighteenth  century,  and  the  liberals 
among  them  had  been  deeply  disappointed  at  the  seeming 
meager  results  which  accrued  from  it.  We  may  well  wonder 
what  would  have  been  the  fate  of  Europe  after  1815,  if  the 
liberalism  of  both  England  and  the  Continent  had  settled 
down  to  disappointment  and  cynicism.  We  can  not  doubt 
that  during  this  period,  say  from  1815  to  1848,  the  beacon 
which  they  saw  had  been  lighted  over  the  western  Atlantic 
was  a  lamp  to  the  feet  and  a  hope  to  the  hearts  of  liberals 
throughout  Europe. 





Within  this  period  immigration  from  the  north  and  west 
of  Europe  was  not  only  rapidly  building  this  country  into 
numbers,  wealth,  and  authority  in  the  world,  but  it  was 
having  a  tremendous  reflex  upon  Europe  itself.  But  for 
American  example  and  influence  the  democratic  movements 
of  1832  and  1848  in  Europe  might  have  been  long  post- 
poned. The  broadly  democratic  evolution  which  swayed 
Europe  so  greatly  in  the  latter  half  of  the  nineteenth  cen- 
tury might  have  failed  entirely. 

In  the  period  we  have  been  discussing  nearly  all  the  im-  I 

migration  to  the  United  States  was  from  northern  and 
western  Europe.  Through  its  reactions  upon  Europe  it 
gave  constant  encouragement  there  to  liberal  thought  and 
action.  In  this  country,  by  gradually  giving  the  North  a 
great  preponderance  in  numbers,  it  hastened  the  downfall  '. 

of  slavery  and  helped  rid  our  institutions  of  that  great  and  « 

threatening  anomaly.  i 

These  Northmen,  one  of  whose  anniversaries  we  are  cele-  * 

brating  to-day,  have  from  their  first  appearance  on  the  J 

margin  of  history  been  the  children  of  freedom.  Native  to 
a  rigorous  climate  and  a  none  too  productive  soil,  they  had 
learned  the  necessity  for  hard  work  and  careful  manage- 
ment. They  were  moved  by  that  aspiration  for  a  free 
holding  in  the  land  which  has  always  marked  peoples  in 
whom  the  democratic  ideal  was  pressing  for  recognition. 
Eager  for  both  political  and  economic  independence,  they 
realized  the  necessity  for  popular  education,  and  so  have 
always  been  among  the  most  devoted  supporters  of  public 
schools.  Thousands  of  them  volunteered  in  the  service  of 
the  country  during  the  Civil  and  Spanish  Wars,  and  tens 
of  thousands  in  the  World  War.  The  institutions  and  the 
manners  of  democracy  came  naturally  to  them.  Their 
glory  is  all  about  you,  their  living  and  their  mighty  dead. 
They  have  given  great  soldiers,  statesmen,  scientists,  edu- 
cators and  men  of  business  to  the  upbuilding  of  their 


adopted  country.  They  have  been  rapidly  amalgamated 
into  the  body  of  citizenship,  contributing  to  it  many  of  its 
best  and  most  characteristic  elements.  To  their  adapta- 
bility the  Nation  owes  much  for  its  success  in  the  enormous 
process  of  assimilation  and  spiritual  unification  that  has 
made  our  Nation  what  it  is  and  our  people  what  they  are. 

Although  this  movement  of  people  originated  in  Norway, 
in  its  essence  and  its  meaning  it  is  peculiarly  American. 
It  has  nothing  about  it  of  class  or  caste.  It  has  no  tinge 
of  aristocracy.  It  was  not  produced  through  the  leadership 
of  some  great  figure.  It  is  represented  almost  entirely  by 
that  stalwart  strain  who  make  the  final  decisions  in  this 
world,  which  we  designate  the  common  people.  It  has  about 
it  the  strength  of  the  home  and  the  fireside;  the  family 
ties  of  the  father  and  the  mother,  the  children  and  the 
kindred.  It  has  all  been  carried  on  very  close  to  the  soil, 
it  has  all  been  extremely  human.  When  I  consider  the 
marvelous  results  it  has  accomplished  I  can  not  but  believe 
that  it  was  inspired  by  a  Higher  Power.  Here  is  something 
vital,  firm,  and  abiding,  which  I  can  only  describe  as  a 
great  reality. 

An  enormous  power  has  come  to  you,  but  you  are  charged 
with  equally  enormous  responsibilities.  Those  responsibili- 
ties you  have  never  failed  to  meet,  that  power  you  have 
never  failed  to  sanctify.  Therein  lies  the  sole  title  to  all 
the  glory  you  have  achieved  in  the  past  and  therein  will  lie 
the  sole  title  to  all  the  glory  that  you  will  achieve  in  the 
future.  Believing  that  there  resides  in  an  enlightened 
people  an  all-compelling  force  for  righteousness,  I  have 
every  faith  that  through  the  vigorous  performance  of  your 
duties  you  will  add  new  luster  to  your  glory  in  the  days 
to  come. 

Our  America  with  all  that  it  represents  of  hope  in  the 
world  is  now  and  will  be  what  you  make  it.  Its  institutions 
of  religious  liberty,  of  educational  and  economic  opportu- 


nity,  of  constitutional  rights,  of  the  integrity  of  the  law, 
are  the  most  precious  possessions  of  the  human  race.  These 
do  not  emanate  from  the  Government.  Their  abiding  place 
is  with  the  people.  They  come  from  the  consecration  of 
the  father,  the  love  of  the  mother,  and  the  devotion  of  the 
children.  They  are  the  product  of  that  honest,  earnest, 
and  tireless  effort  that  goes  into  the  rearing  of  the  family 
altar  and  the  making  of  the  home  of  our  country.  They 
can  have  no  stronger  supporters,  no  more  loyal  defenders, 
than  that  great  body  of  our  citizenship  which  you  repre- 
sent. When  I  look  upon  you  and  realize  what  you  are  and 
what  you  have  done,  I  know  that  in  your  hands  our  country 
is  secure.  You  have  laid  up  your  treasure  in  what  America 
represents,  and  there  will  your  heart  be  also.  You  have 
given  your  pledge  to  the  Land  of  the  Free.    The  pledge  of  B 

the  Norwegian  people  has  never  yet  gone  unredeemed.  H 




The  world  has  tried  war  with  force  and  has 
utterly  failed.  The  only  hope  of  success  lies  in 
peace  with  justice.  No  other  principle  conforms 
to  the  teaching  of  Washington;  no  other  stand- 
dard  is  worthy  of  the  spirit  of  America;  no  other 
course  makes  so  much  promise  for  the  regenera- 
tion of  the  world. 

-  •  - 


After  150  anniversaries  repeatedly  observed,  followed 
during  the  last  three  months  by  intensive  celebration,  in 
this  neighborhood  where  it  had  its  beginnings,  the  Ameri- 
can Revolution  should  be  fairly  well  understood.  If  it 
needs  any  justification,  if  it  needs  any  praise,  it  is  enough 
to  say  that  its  product  is  America.  It  ought  to  be  unneces- 
sary on  this  occasion  to  dwell  very  much  on  that  event  and 
its  yet  more  remarkable  results.  But  no  great  movement 
in  the  progress  of  mankind  has  ever  been  accomplished 
without  the  guidance  of  an  inspired  leadership.  Of  this 
accepted  truth,  there  is  no  more  preeminent  example  than 
that  which  was  revealed  by  the  war  which  made  this  coun- 
try independent.  Wherever  men  love  liberty,  wherever 
they  believe  in  patriotism,  wherever  they  exalt  high  char- 
acter, by  universal  consent  they  turn  to  the  name  of  George 
Washington.  No  occasion  could  be  conceived  more  worthy, 
more  truly  and  comprehensively  American,  than  that  which 
is  chosen  to  commemorate  this  divinely  appointed  captain. 
The  contemplation  of  his  life  and  work  will  forever 
strengthen  our  faith  in  our  country  and  in  our  country's 

Those  men  who  have  taken  great  parts  in  the  world  are 
commonly  ranked  by  posterity  according  to  their  accom- 
plishments while  living,  and  the  permanent  worth  of  the 
monuments  representing  their  achievements  which  remain 
after  they  are  gone.  By  this  standard  I  think  we  may  re- 
gard George  Washington  as  the  first  lay  citizen  of  the 

Address  delivered  at  the  celebration  of  the  150th  anniversary  of  George 
Washington  taking  command  of  the  Continental  Army,  Cambridge,  Mass., 
July  3,  1925,  at  4.  p.m. 



world  of  all  time.  He  was  one  in  whom  the  elements  of 
greatness  were  so  evenly  blended,  so  accurately  propor- 
tioned, that  his  character  has  well-nigh  defied  analysis. 
Others  have  created  wider  commotion  and  deeper  impres- 
sion in  the  hour  of  their  eminence.  But  we  shall  hardly 
find  one  who  in  his  own  day  achieved  so  much  as  Washing- 
ton and  left  his  work  so  firmly  established  that  posterity, 
generation  after  generation,  can  only  increase  its  tributes 
to  his  ability,  his  wisdom,  his  patriotism,  and  his  rounded 
perfection  in  the  character  of  a  Christian  citizen. 

No  figure  in  profane  history  has  inspired  so  many  testi- 
monies of  admiration.  The  highest  eloquence,  the  most 
profound  sincerity,  have  been  invoked  to  picture  him  as  the 
very  sum  of  public  capacities  and  civic  virtues.  No  pride 
of  race  or  country  has  even  attempted  to  set  up  rivals  to 
him.  Envy  and  malice  have  stood  rebuked  in  the  presence 
of  his  towering  form.  There  is  no  language  of  literature 
and  culture  which  does  not  boast  among  its  adornments 
noble  eulogies  of  the  work  and  character  of  Washington. 
Although,  as  history  reckons  its  periods,  it  is  but  a  little 
time  since  he  passed  from  the  stage  of  life,  he  has  been 
claimed,  wherever  men  struggle  and  aspire,  as  the  posses- 
sion of  all  humanity,  the  first  citizen  of  all  the  ages. 

So  he  must  be  a  strangely  bold  and  self-confident  eulogist 
who  would  attempt  even  on  such  an  occasion  as  this  to  add 
anything  to  the  total  of  affection,  admiration,  and  reverence 
which  has  been  reared  as  the  true  memorial  of  Washington. 
It  is  impossible  for  us  to  add  to  or  take  from  the  estimate 
which  has  been  fixed  by  the  generations  of  the  world. 

But  if  the  preeminent  place  of  Washington  is  thus  es- 
tablished beyond  possibility  of  change  at  our  hands,  it  is 
only  the  more  desirable  that  on  this  anniversary  we  should 
come  here  to  do  our  reverence  and  to  seek  replenishment 
of  the  inspiration  which  is  always  to  be  drawn  from  con- 
sideration of  his  life  and  works.     To  the  people  of  the 



Republic  whose  existence  is  due  to  his  leadership,  his  life 
is  the  full  and  finished  teaching  of  citizenship.  To  others, 
who  may  claim  him  only  by  virtue  of  the  right  of  humanity 
to  be  heir  to  all  the  ages,,  his  story  is  replete  with  example 
and  admonition  peculiarly  applicable  to  the  problems  of 
the  world  and  its  peoples  in  these  times. 

We  have  come  here  because  this  day  a  century  and  a 
half  ago,  and  in  this  place,  Washington  formally  assumed 
command  of  the  armies  of  the  Colonies.  His  feet  trod  this 
soil.  Here  was  his  headquarters.  Here  was  his  place  of 
worship.  Our  first  view  therefore  is  of  Washington  the 
soldier.    But  he  was  indeed  so  much  more  than  the  soldier;  n 

his  talents  were  so  many  and  so  perfectly  proportioned, 
that  it  is  impossible  to  study  him  in  any  one  of  his  capaci- 
ties, to  the  exclusion  of  the  others.  In  him,  we  find  also  a 
marvelous  instinct  for  statecraft,  supporting  and  sustaining 
an  equal  genius  for  camp  and  field.  We  see  moreover  the 
qualities  of  a  great  man  of  business,  which  he  brings  to 
serve  the  vast  task  of  organizing  and  equipping  his  armies. 
We  find  him  on  one  day  writing  a  noble  and  eloquent  re-  II 

buke  to  a  commander  of  the  King's  forces  who  was  bent 
on  waiving  the  laws  of  civilized  warfare;  and  on  another, 
addressing  compelling  counsels  of  patriotism,  energy,  and 
executive  sense,  to  the  Continental  Congress  and  the  pro- 
vincial legislatures.  In  everything  he  was  called  to  be  the 
leader.  In  everything,  his  leadership  wrought  results  which 
completely  vindicated  the  confidence  reposed  in  him. 

The  complaint  has  been  many  times  uttered  that  Wash- 
ington was  so  nearly  a  paragon  of  abilities  and  virtues  that 
it  is  impossible  to  see  through  the  aura  of  perfections  to 
the  real,  simple,  human  man.  But  there  is  a  phase  of 
Washington's  career  which,  fully  studied  and  understood, 
will  give  us  the  picture  of  him  as  one  of  the  most  human 
men  in  history.  To  inform  ourselves  of  this  human  side, 
we  need  only  to  know  of  the  long  years  of  arduous  prepara- 




tion  which  preceded  the  historic  event  which  took  place 
here  150  years  ago  to-day. 

From  his  earliest  manhood,  Washington's  life  had  been 
a  part  of  great  affairs.  Many  of  those  affairs  were  vastly 
greater  and  more  significant  than  he  himself,  or  indeed  any- 
body else,  could  possibly  have  realized  at  the  time.  He 
had  come  up  through  a  schooling  of  strangely  mingled  ad- 
versities and  successes.  He  had  devoted  hard  and  disap- 
pointing years  to  activities  which  resulted,  aside  from  the 
training  which  he  derived,  in  little  more  than  hopeless 
futilities.  Nobody  can  know  the  real  Washington,  the  man 
Washington,  without  studying  closely  his  services  to  the 
Virginia  Colony  and  the  British  Crown,  during  the  years 
immediately  preceding  and  covering  the  old  French  War. 
Here  we  see  him  as  a  young  man,  in  whom  the  combination 
of  rare  and  remarkable  parts  is  most  easily  discerned.  We 
find  him,  at  times,  hot-headed  and  impetuous,  always  in- 
tensely impatient  with  incompetency  in  places  of  authority. 

From  the  beginning  we  discover  a  special  genius  for 
commanding  the  respect  and  attention  of  older  men.  When 
hardly  more  than  a  boy  he  was  chosen  for  a  responsible 
and  difficult  mission  to  the  French  on  the  western  frontier. 
This  mission  brought  him  in  contact  with  an  important 
French  officer  who  reported  to  his  Government  that  this 
young  man  was  likely  to  make  more  trouble  for  French 
interests  in  America  than  any  fifty  other  people.  That  ob- 
servation was  more  profound  than  its  maker  could  have 
realized.  Washington  had  been  sent  with  a  small  force,  as 
the  emissary  of  Governor  Dinwiddie,  of  Virginia,  to  notify 
the  French  that  their  aggressions  in  the  upper  Ohio  terri- 
tory were  occasion  of  deep  concern  to  the  British  colonies, 
and  must  cease.  It  was  the  wish  of  Washington  and  his 
superiors  that  the  message  be  delivered  without  bringing 
about  any  clash  at  arms.  But  events  decreed  otherwise, 
and  a  skirmish  took  place  in  the  wilderness  in  which  a  num- 

^ fcHMMi 


ber  of  men  were  killed  and  wounded,  among  them  a  French 
officer  of  some  rank  and  importance.  It  is  deeply  sugges- 
tive of  the  destiny  which  had  marked  Washington  that 
this  backwoods  brush  at  arms  should  have  occasioned  the 
first  bloodshed  in  that  long  series  of  wars  which  was  to 
drench  the  Western  World  for  near  two  generations,  and 
did  not  end  until  the  downfall  of  Napoleon. 

From  the  day  of  that  clash  in  the  western  forests  of 
Pennsylvania,  precipitated  by  the  determination  of  Wash- 
ington to  execute  his  mission,  the  Seven  Years'  War  was  a 
foregone  conclusion.  Washington  was  denounced  in  France 
as  a  murderer,  a  man-eating  freebooter  of  the  wilds.     In  H 

England  his  boldness  and  determination  won  him  a  good 
deal  of  reputation.  In  the  Colonies  there  was  much  differ- 
ence of  opinion,  for  the  time  being,  whether  his  course  was 
justified  or  had  brought  the  country  face  to  face  with  the 
possibility  of  a  disastrous  struggle. 

At  any  rate,  from  that  day  until  the  downfall  of  Napoleon  .. 

at  Waterloo,  there  was  no  peace  in  either  Europe  or  Amer- 
ica, save  for  brief  periods  which  represented  little  more  II 
than  temporary  truces.  Doubtless  that  long  and  fearful 
series  of  conflicts  was  inevitable.  Whether  it  was  or  not, 
the  facts  of  history  show  Washington,  a  youth  of  twenty- 
two,  as  the  commander  whose  order  proved  the  torch  to  set 
a  world  on  fire.  From  that  hour,  responsible  men  in  both 
Britain  and  France  realized  that  there  could  be  no  lasting 
peace  until  those  countries  had  fought  the  duel  which  should 
determine  the  supremacy  of  one  or  the  other  in  the  New 
World.    There  was  not  room  for  both. 

So  came  the  Seven  Years'  War  and  the  establishment  of 
British  domination  in  North  America.  A  little  later  came 
the  American  Revolution,  the  French  Revolution,  and  the 
Napoleonic  wars.  One  can  but  wonder  what  might  have 
been  the  reflections  of  Washington,  if  he  could  have  im- 
agined on  that  July  morning  of  1754,  when  he  resolved  that 




he  must  fight,  if  he  could  have  known  the  train  of  events 
that  would  follow  upon  his  determination.  But  such  con- 
jecture is  of  little  value.  To  us  there  is  more  of  immediate 
interest  in  the  curious  coincidence  that  the  skirmish  for 
possession  of  Fort  Necessity  took  place  on  July  3,  1754, 
exactly  twenty-one  years  before  the  day  when  Washington 
in  this  place  assumed  command  of  the  Continental  Army. 

And  those  twenty-one  years,  as  Washington  lived  them, 
constituted  a  fitting  probation  for  the  career  that  awaited 
him.  The  echoes  of  the  little  battle  of  Fort  Necessity  rever- 
berated throughout  the  American  Colonies  and  the  Euro- 
pean courts  as  if  it  had  been  an  engagement  of  Titans.  Its 
political  effects  were  tremendous.  It  made  Washington  a 
marked  man  throughout  the  Colonies  and  gave  him  a  real 
European  reputation. 

His  part  in  the  Braddock  expedition,  though  vastly  bet- 
ter known,  probably  had  less  effect  in  forming  his  character 
or  directing  his  career  than  this  expedition  to  Fort  Neces- 
sity. Nevertheless,  his  reputation  was  further  increased 
by  his  conduct  in  the  Braddock  campaign.  But  that  heroic 
episode  was  followed  by  a  long  and  disappointing  experi- 
ence as  head  of  the  Virginia  forces  defending  the  western 
frontier.  He  saw  little  of  satisfying  service  during  this 
period.  But  he  learned  the  supreme  importance  of  organ- 
ization and  preparation  in  connection  with  military  opera- 
tions. In  the  end  it  was  his  privilege  to  lead  his  Virginians 
to  the  occupation  of  Fort  Pitt,  when  it  was  finally  surren- 
dered by  the  French.  But  the  real  campaign  for  control 
of  the  Ohio  Valley  was  made  from  the  north  by  General 
Wolfe  on  the  Plains  of  Abraham  rather  than  from  Virginia, 
and  Washington  found  his  part  in  it  disappointingly  small. 

Not  only  the  Braddock  campaign  of  1755,  but  his  earlier 
operations,  both  diplomatic  and  military,  on  the  upper 
Ohio,  marked  him  as  a  man  of  caution,  sagacity,  and  wis- 
dom in  planning  and  conducting  military  operations.     At 




the  same  time,  they  showed  him  as  the  intrepid  and  fearless 
fighting  soldier  in  the  hours  of  action. 

One  thing  that  Washington  learned  during  the  French 
War  must  have  contributed  greatly  to  form  his  opinions 
about  relations  between  Britain  and  the  Colonies.  He 
was  brought  to  realize  that  the  form  of  colonial  govern- 
ment, with  which  bitter  experience  made  him  so  familiar, 
could  not  long  satisfy  the  people  of  the  larger,  wealthier, 
and  fast-growing  Colonies.  With  Washington,  the  idea  of 
substantial  freedom  long  preceded  that  of  independence. 
Like  most  of  the  colonial  youth,  he  hoped  that  a  more  en- 
lightened policy  in  London  and  a  more  sympathetic  execu- 
tion of  it  by  the  royal  governors  might  compose  the  grow- 
ing differences.  During  the  troublous  epoch  between  the 
French  War  and  the  Revolution  he  thought  deeply  of  these 
matters,  and  his  correspondence  gives  evidence  of  the  grow- 
ing impression  that  a  contest  must  come.  He  followed  the  ll 
development  of  events  in  Massachusetts  with  a  close  and  ll 
understanding  concern.  His  writings  and  occasional  public 
pronouncements  during  this  period  show  him  acutely 
anxious  that  the  Colonies  should  present  a  united  front  I 
when  the  test  came.  One  in  his  position  of  leadership,  I 
authority,  and  independent  fortune,  living  as  a  Virginia 
gentleman,  might  easily  enough  have  felt  that  the  troubles 
of  the  Massachusetts  Bay  Colony  had  small  concern  for 
him.  High  Churchman,  conformist  in  most  things,  enjoy- 
ing excellent  repute  in  England  and  with  English  officials 
in  America,  his  influence  might  logically  enough  have  been 
thrown  to  the  royalists.  Yet,  as  early  as  the  spring  of 
1769,  he  wrote  declaring,  "Our  lordly  masters  in  Great  Brit- 
ain will  be  satisfied  with  nothing  less  than  the  deprivation 
of  American  freedom  *  *  *."  And,  inquiring  what  could 
be  done  to  avert  such  a  calamity,  he  added,  "That  no  man 
should  scruple  or  hesitate  a  moment  to  use  arms  in  defense 
of  so  valuable  a  blessing  is  clearly  my  opinion.    Yet,  arms, 




I  would  beg  to  add,  should  be  the  last  resource."  A  little 
later,  in  that  same  year,  Washington,  at  a  public  meeting, 
offered  a  non-importation  resolution  and  secured  its 

In  short,  it  is  plain  that  he  was  anxious  to  keep  the  senti- 
ment of  the  southern  Colonies  fully  in  step  and  sympathy 
with  the  attitude  of  the  New  England  patriots  who  at  the 
moment  were  bearing  the  brunt  of  the  struggle  for  colonial 
rights.  Seemingly,  the  Boston  port  bill  convinced  him  that 
the  Colonies  must  prepare  for  the  harshest  eventualities. 
At  a  meeting  of  the  citizens  of  his  county  he  helped  draft 
a  petition  and  remonstrance  to  the  King,  which  concluded 
with  the  ominous  words,  "From  our  sovereign  there  can 
be  but  one  appeal."  Such  a  declaration,  coming  from  one 
whose  repute  was  high  in  all  the  Colonies,  and  who  was  be- 
ginning to  speak  with  the  voice  of  something  like  authority 
for  the  southern  communities,  could  not  fail  to  strengthen 
the  arm  and  purpose  of  the  New  Englanders. 

The  selection  of  Washington  to  command  the  Continen- 
tal Armies  has,  I  think,  been  too  much  attributed  to  his 
high  military  repute  and  too  little  to  the  fact  that  he  had 
long  taken  the  view  of  a  true  statesman  regarding  the 
impending  crisis.  The  fact  is  that  he  had  all  along  seen 
the  struggle  as  a  continental  and  national  one.  He  realized 
that  Massachusetts  could  not  win  alone,  nor  could  New 
England.  In  helping  to  set  up  the  committee  of  corre- 
spondence, in  molding  the  sentiment  of  Virginia,  in  his 
service  as  member  of  the  Continental  Congress,  the  ideal  of 
a  firm  and  whole-hearted  union  of  all  the  Colonies  was 
plainly  fundamental.  Repeatedly,  in  his  writings,  even 
long  before  the  struggle  had  seriously  suggested  the  possi- 
bility of  war,  he  used  the  phrase,  "Our  Country,"  giving  it 
an  application  vastly  broader  than  the  domain  or  concerns 
of  any  single  colony.  He  was  kmong  the  first  to  see  the 
vision  of  an  American  Nation.     No  other  man  so  early 




grasped  certain  physical  and  geographic  arguments  which 
urged  nationality  as  inevitable. 

In  this  his  engineering  training,  together  with  his  inti- 
mate knowledge  of  the  topography  of  the  Ohio  and  Potomac 
Valleys,  had  an  important  part.  As  a  young  surveyor  he 
realized  the  importance  of  that  break  through  the  Allegheny 
system  which  these  two  valleys  mark.  Many  years  later 
he  pointed  out  its  strategic  importance  in  connection  with 
the  defense  and  unity  of  the  Colonies  fronting  the  Atlantic. 
Before  the  Ohio  was  much  more  than  a  myth  to  most  peo- 
ple, even  in  Virginia,  Washington  saw  that  the  Ohio  basin 
must  be  controlled  by  the  Colonies  if  they  were  to  be  secure. 

Thus  it  was  that  a  complete  and  clear  vision  of  all  the 
arguments  for  national  unity  was  due  to  the  many-sided- 
ness of  the  Washington  mind.  He  saw  it  as  politician,  as 
statesman,  as  military  man,  as  engineer.  Without  such  a 
grasp  of  all  the  elements,  he  could  not  have  taken  the  states-  H 

manly  and  essentially  national  view  of  the  problem  before  H 

hostilities  began.  Nor  could  he  have  dealt  effectively  with 
its  military  aspects  during  the  war.  He  possessed  one  of 
those  rarely  endowed  minds  which  not  only  recognize  all  the 
factors,  but  assign  to  each  its  proper  weight. 

He  was  in  truth  a  consummate  politician.  When  he  went 
to  the  sittings  of  the  Continental  Congress,  wearing  his 
Virginia  uniform  of  buff  and  blue,  some  were  inclined  to 
ridicule  the  display  of  military  predilection.  They  accused 
him  of  swashbuckling,  and  pointed  to  his  uniform  as 
equivalent  to  announcement  of  his  candidacy  for  Comman- 
der in  Chief.  In  the  first,  they  were  utterly  wrong;  in  the 
second,  quite  probably  right.  That  uniform,  when  he  pre- 
sided over  the  committees  on  military  preparation,  could 
hardly  have  beer  construed  as  meaning  anything  other  than 
that  its  wearer  realized  what  was  ahead  and  was  willing 
to  force  some  part  of  that  realization  on  others. 

I  suppose  if  we  were  to  pick  any  two  men  out  of  that 


gathering,  to  be  set  down  as  something  other  than  politi- 
cians, Washington  and  sturdy  old  John  Adams  would  be 
well  toward  the  top  in  the  polling.  Though  they  ap- 
proached the  matter  from  utterly  different  angles,  they  were 
both  led  by  the  sagacity  of  great  politicians  to  the  same 
conclusion.  To  both,  the  crisis  was  essentially  national. 
A  nation  must  be  created  to  deal  with  it.  The  army  before 
Boston  must  be  taken  over  by  the  Congress  as  a  national 
army.  There  must  be  a  Commander  in  Chief,  supreme  in 
the  military  field.  All  this  we  look  back  upon  as  illumined 
statesmanship.  But  statesmanship  is  nothing  more  than 
good,  sound  politics,  tested  and  proved.  That  is  what  it 
was  when  John  Adams  conceived  the  great  strategy  of 
calling  a  man  of  the  South  to  the  chief  command.  A  more 
provincial  man  might  have  dreamed  of  Massachusetts, 
aided  by  the  other  colonies,  taking  and  holding  the  lead 
and  garnering  the  lion's  share  of  glory.  But  Adams  was 
planning  in  terms  of  a  nation,  not  of  provinces ;  and  Wash- 
ington had  for  years  been  writing  of  "Our  Country."  So 
Washington  put  on  his  uniform  in  testimony  of  his  readi- 
ness for  whatever  might  happen,  and  Adams,  after  some 
period  of  misgivings,  set  about  convincing  the  delegates 
from  New  England  and  the  middle  Colonies  that  there  must 
be  a  nation,  and  a  national  army,  with  a  Commander  in 
Chief,  and  that  must  be  Washington. 

It  was  a  stroke  of  political  genius  that  Adams,  soul  of 
Puritanic  idealism,  should  have  moved  the  adoption  of  the 
army  by  Congress  and  the  selection  of  Washington  as  Com- 
mander in  Chief.  The  selection  was  made  without  a  dis- 
senting vote,  though  it  is  not  true  to  say  that  Washington 
was  unanimously  preferred.  Already  there  were  clashing 
ambitions  and  divergent  community  interests.  But  Adams 
saw,  and  made  others  see,  the  peculiar  reasons  that  urged 
Washington.  The  middle  Colonies,  dominated  by  their 
landed  aristocracies,  had  much  in  common  with  the  social 




and  economic  system  of  the  South.  To  them  Washington 
meant  the  enlistment  of  property,  substance,  and  eminent 
respectability.  In  presenting  his  name  to  the  Congress 
Adams  described  him  in  terms  which  seem  prophetic,  and 
which  we  can  hardly  improve:  "A  gentleman,  whose  skill 
and  experience  as  an  officer,  whose  independent  fortune, 
great  talents,  and  excellent  universal  character  would  com- 
mand the  approbation  of  all  America  and  unite  the  cordial 
exertions  of  all  the  Colonies  better  than  any  other  person 
in  the  Union. " 

Let  it  ever  be  set  down  to  the  glory  of  Massachusetts 
that  John  Adams  made  George  Washington  Commander  in 
Chief  of  the  Continental  Armies  and  John  Marshall  Chief  It 

Justice  of  the  United  States.  Destiny  could  have  done  no 

Immediately  after  his  selection,  Washington  set  out  from 
Philadelphia  for  Boston.    On  the  way  he  received  first  tid-  ll 

ings  of  the  Battle  of  Bunker  Hill,  which  had  been  fought  ll 

two  days  after  he  was  named  commander.  He  inquired 
eagerly  about  the  behavior  of  the  continental  troops,  and 
when  he  learned  how  splendidly  they  had  fought  against 
the  British  regulars  he  quietly  declared  that  the  liberties 
of  the  country  were  safe.  In  that  anxious  hour  the  battle 
of  twenty  years  earlier  in  the  Pennsylvania's  woods,  wherein 
his  Virginia  militia  had  saved  Braddock's  regulars  from  de- 
struction, no  doubt  was  near  the  top  of  his  mind.  To  be 
assured  that  the  raw  levies  of  New  England  were  capable 
of  behaving  just  as  well  in  1775  as  his  Virginians  had  done 
in  1755  must  have  been  intensely  reassuring. 

Knowing  the  story  of  the  Revolution  as  we  do,  we  can  not 
doubt  that  the  historic  event  which  took  place  here  150 
years  ago  to-day  marked  one  of  its  crises.  Even  with 
Washington,  the  struggle  was  well-nigh  lost  at  several  peri- 
ods. Of  course,  the  ultimate  separation  of  the  Colonies 
from  the  mother  country  was  inevitable.    Had  the  Revolu- 


tion  of  1775  failed,  as  it  must  have  failed  without  Wash- 
ington, there  would  have  been  harsh  and  vindictive  re- 
prisals. Nobody  can  read  the  arrogant  pronouncements  of 
Lord  North's  government  or  the  still  more  arrogant  letters 
of  General  Gage  to  Washington  and  avoid  conviction  that 
the  British  Government  and  its  American  military  repre- 
sentatives would  have  vied  with  each  other  in  efforts  to 
estrange  the  Colonies.  Such  a  policy  would  have  estab- 
lished traditions  of  animosity  that  would  have  kept  the 
struggle  alive  even  after  a  nominal  peace.  In  the  end 
separation  would  have  come.  But  it  might  have  been  de- 
layed through  many  recurrences  of  turbulence  and  struggle. 
It  was  vastly  to  the  good  of  both  the  mother  country  and 
the  Colonies  that,  the  conflict  being  once  begun,  it  was 
brought  to  a  decisive  conclusion. 

There  is  another  reason  why  the  final  victory  of  the 
Colonies  was  important  to  the  world.  It  was  just  as  neces- 
sary for  the  maintenance  of  the  British  Empire  as  for  the 
proper  development  of  the  American  community.  I  believe 
this  view  is  now  generally  accepted  by  British  students  as 
well  as  Americans.  We  may  be  sure  that  it  was  in  the  mind 
of  the  great  Chatham,  who  had  laid  the  foundations  of  the 
British  Empire  in  the  Seven  Years'  War.  If  there  was  a 
man  in  all  that  realm  who  might  well  have  been  given  at- 
tention when  the  American  crisis  was  developing,  that  man 
was  Chatham.  He  had  found  Britain  weak  and  had  built 
it  into  strength.  He  had  well-nigh  made  the  whole  North 
American  Continent  British.  He  had  reestablished  the 
empire  and  extended  it  in  many  directions.  Yet  Chatham 
knew  that  Lord  North's  policies  would  surely  cost  the  loss 
of  the  American  dominion.  Emerging  from  a  long  political 
retirement,  defying  the  doctors  he  hated  and  the  King  he 
had  served,  the  grand  old  man  hurried  down  to  the  House 
of  Lords  to  pronounce  his  allegiance  to  the  cause  of  the 
Colonies.     "When  your  lordships,"  said  he,  "look  at  the 

^ mmmm^ mm mmmm^mam 



papers  transmitted  to  us  from  America;  when  you  consider 
their  decency,  their  firmness,  their  wisdom,  you  can  not  but 
respect  their  cause  and  wish  to  make  it  your  own."  That 
decency,  firmness,  and  wisdom  were  in  no  small  part  George 

Chatham  knew  what  it  had  been  to  build  an  empire;  he 
would  not  see  it  thrown  away  without  having  his  protest 
heard.  He  spoke  the  voice  of  liberalism  in  England;  but 
the  King  and  his  ministers  had  no  ear  for  such  counsels. 
They  had  fixed  their  course  and  could  not  be  swerved. 

Washington's  assumption  of  the  command  gave  the  colo- 
nial cause  an  effective  national  character.  Had  he  not  pos- 
sessed the  genius  and  the  power  to  impress  others  with  that 
conception,  it  is  hardly  conceivable  that  disaster  could  long 
have  been  postponed.  He  found  himself  in  command  of  an 
unorganized,  undisciplined,  unprovisioned,  and  unmuni- 
tioned  body  of  some  14,000  militia,  opposing  an  army  of  ll 

11,000  regulars  shut  up  in  Boston  and  supported  by  a  naval  ll 

power  that  completely  commanded  the  seas.  Washington 
was  called  first  to  make  an  army,  then  to  drive  his  enemy 
out  of  Boston,  and  then  to  meet  attack  at  whatever  point 
along  the  coast  the  enemy  might  choose.     Where  many  J 

others,  quite  as  sincere  in  their  patriotism,  fondly  imagined 
that  the  evacuation  of  Boston  would  move  the  London  gov- 
ernment to  make  peace,  he  was  convinced  that  it  would  be 
little  more  than  the  beginning.  For  the  long  struggle  he 
foresaw,  he  had  to  prepare,  not  only  by  creating  an  army 
but  by  convincing  the  civil  authority  and  the  people  that 
he  must  have  the  utmost  measure  of  their  support  and  co- 
operation. So  we  find  him,  immediately  upon  assuming 
his  command,  dividing  his  time  between  military  tasks  and 
the  writing  of  endless  letters  to  the  leaders  of  the  Congress, 
to  the  provincial  assemblies,  to  men  of  importance  every- 
where, designed  to  impress  them  with  the  enormity  of  the 
coming  struggle. 




This  is  not  the  time  or  place  for  a  review  of  Washington's 
military  career.  Yet  there  are  phases  of  that  career  which 
I  am  never  able  to  pass  over  without  a  word  of  wonder  and 
admiration  because  of  some  of  the  exploits  which  it  includes. 

It  is  recorded  that  a  few  evenings  after  the  surrender  of 
Lord  Cornwallis  at  Yorktown  a  banquet  was  given  by 
Washington  and  his  staff  to  the  British  commander  and 
his  staff.  One  likes  to  contemplate  the  sportsmanship  of 
that  function.  Amiabilities  and  good  wishes  were  duly  ex- 
changed, and  finally  Lord  Cornwallis  rose  to  present  his 
compliments  to  Washington.  There  had  been  much  talk  of 
past  campaigning  experiences,  and  Cornwallis,  turning  to 
Washington,  expressed  the  judgment  that  when  history's 
verdict  was  made  up  "the  brightest  garlands  for  your  ex- 
cellency will  be  gathered,  not  from  the  shores  of  the  Chesa- 
peake, but  from  the  banks  of  the  Delaware."  We  may 
fairly  assume  that  Cornwallis,  in  the  fullness  of  a  very 
personal  experience,  was  qualified  to  judge.  Washington 
had  outgeneralled  and  defeated  him  both  on  the  banks  of 
the  Delaware  and  the  shores  of  the  Chesapeake.  In  giving 
the  laurels  to  the  Trenton-Princeton  campaign,  he  ex- 
pressed not  only  his  own  judgment,  but  the  estimate  which 
was  afterwards  pronounced  by  Frederick  the  Great,  who 
declared  that  the  Trenton-Princeton  campaign  was  the 
most  brilliant  military  performance  of  the  century.  For 
myself,  without  pretense  of  military  wisdom,  the  lightning- 
like stroke  of  Trenton  and  Princeton  in  its  supreme  au- 
dacity and  ideal  execution  has  always  seemed  the  most 
perfectly  timed  combination  of  military  genius  and  political 
wisdom  that  we  find  in  the  records  of  warfare. 

On  the  other  hand,  much  can  be  urged  to  support  the 
claim  that  Yorktown  was  the  most  brilliant  campaign  of 
Washington.  With  an  army  on  the  point  of  disintegration, 
he  was  almost  utterly  unable  to  get  supplies  and  transport. 
Yet  he  managed  to  withdraw  his  forces  from  before  New 

^ ^" a-^-J" — = ^—— 


York  and  get  them  well  on  the  way  to  Virginia  before  his 
enemy  seriously  suspected  his  design.  It  was  a  miracle  of 
military  skill,  diplomacy,  and  determination,  to  effect  on 
the  Virginia  Peninsula  that  consolidation  of  forces  from 
south  and  north,  along  with  the  French  army  and  fleet,  at 
precisely  the  right  moment.  The  essence  of  strategy  is  to 
divide  the  forces  of  the  enemy  and  defeat  them  in  detail; 
and  there  are  few  campaigns  which  show  a  commander  ac- 
complishing this  through  operations  covering  so  extended  a 
territory  and  involving  so  many  difficulties. 

In  the  Yorktown  campaign  we  see  all  the  varied  elements 
of  Washington's  genius  at  work.  He  had  to  deal  at  once 
with  an  inert  Congress  that  was  threatening  at  this  critical 
moment  actually  to  reduce  the  Army.  He  had  to  find  sup- 
plies and  money  or  get  along  without  them.  In  part  he  ij 
did  one,  in  part  the  other.  He  had  to  effect  a  junction  of  ll 
widely  separated  forces  and  to  maintain  secrecy  to  the  last  ll 
moment.  Everything  must  be  done  within  a  period  of  ll 
time  so  short  that  it  might  well  have  made  success  appear 
utterly  impossible,  because  he  could  not  count  on  the  co- 
operation of  the  French  for  a  longer  period.  All  these 
things  he  accomplished.  Accomplishing  them,  he  won  the 
war,  as  in  the  campaign  of  Trenton  and  Princeton  he  had 
saved  the  Revolution.  No  man  could  have  rendered  his 
service  to  the  Revolution  who  was  not  both  a  soldier  and 
statesman.  He  understood,  and  he  never  underestimated, 
the  political  bearings  of  every  move. 

When  he  retired  to  Mount  Vernon,  Washington  entered 
upon  a  new  phase  of  his  career.  He  had  won  the  war  but 
he  was  a  man  of  peace.  His  experience  as  Commander  in 
Chief  had  completely  convinced  him  that  the  form  of  gov- 
ernment under  the  confederation  could  not  possibly  serve 
the  necessities  of  the  country.  It  is  not  possible  here  to 
outline  the  discouragements  which  threatened  the  country 
with  all  manner  of  disasters.    Washington,  as  the  most  in- 




fluential  citizen,  was  the  inevitable  leader  in  preparing  for 
the  Constitutional  Convention  of  1787  and  the  establish- 
ment of  a  real  nation.  That  task  he  took  up  early,  and  to 
it  he  devoted  an  energy  and  a  wisdom  that  were  alike  amaz- 
ing. It  was  quite  nacural  that  he  should  be  chosen  to  pre- 
side  over  the  Constitutional  Convention.  When  its  work 
was  done,  his  influence  was  one  of  the  chief  forces  to  bring 
about  ratification.  After  that,  there  was  none  to  question 
that  he  must  be  the  first  President  under  the  new  regime. 

Perhaps  no  character  in  history  has  been  subjected  to 
more  close  study  or  sympathetic  analysis  than  that  of 
Washington.  The  volume  of  his  writings  which  have  been 
left  to  us  is  enormous.  Moreover,  from  earliest  manhood 
his  life  was  lived  almost  continuously  under  intense  public 
observation.  It  is  therefore  remarkable  that  biographers 
and  eulogists  should  be  so  generally  accused  of  failing  to 
give  us  a  satisfying  picture  of  him.  The  fault,  however,  is 
not  his,  but  theirs.  The  explanation  is  that  no  biographer 
has  possessed,  and  probably  none  ever  will  possess,  the  full- 
rounded  measure  of  qualification  to  appreciate,  to  under- 
stand, to  apportion,  and  to  weigh  all  the  elements  that 
made  this  man.  Unfortunately,  a  vast  myth  was  early  built 
around  Washington,  difficult  to  avoid,  and  not  even  yet 
entirely  dissipated.  Among  his  biographers  and  eulogists, 
some  have  seen  first  and  most  admiringly  the  great  soldier. 
Some  have  been  most  engaged  with  him  as  the  statesman- 
politician,  dealing  with  great  affairs  from  day  to  day  as 
circumstances  demanded.  Others  have  devoted  themselves 
particularly  to  portraying  him  as  the  constructive  student 
of  government,  and  builder  of  institutions.  Still  others 
have  found  their  first  inspiration  in  his  work  as  a  wise,  firm, 
and  discriminating  administrator. 

Volumes  have  been  written,  and  they  are  exceedingly  in- 
teresting volumes,  on  Washington  as  a  pioneer  of  modern 
scientific  agriculture.    It  is  interesting  to  recall  that  in  their 



tastes  for  agriculture  Washington  and  his  great  antagonist, 
King  George  III,  stood  on  a  common  ground.  Whoever 
cares  to  familiarize  himself  with  this  particular  detail  in 
the  careers  of  Washington  and  the  King  will  find  that  these 
two  might  in  other  circumstances  have  been  the  best  of 
friends.  For  both  were  devoted  admirers  and  supporters  of 
Arthur  Young,  the  famous  English  traveler  and  agricultural 
authority.  In  the  last  year  or  two  before  the  beginning  of 
the  French  Revolution,  Young  traveled  extensively  through- 
out France.  He  kept  a  journal  of  his  observations  and 
experiences  that  has  since  been  invaluable  to  whoever 
wished  to  know  conditions  in  the  France  of  that  time.  Be- 
sides all  this  Arthur  Young  was  almost  the  founder  of  the  il 
modern  science  and  technique  of  advanced  agriculture. 
He  wrote  and  published  voluminously  on  such  subjects  as 
rotation  of  crops,  scientific  fertilization,  farm  drainage,  the 
breeding  of  livestock,  the  growing  of  plants,  and  many  other  ll 
subjects  which  are  now  commonplaces.  King  George  be-  il 
came  interested  in  his  work  and  turned  over  to  him  some 
farms  of  the  royal  domain  to  be  conducted  as  the  earliest 
agricultural  experiment  stations. 

Young  published  an  agricultural  journal  devoted  to  his 
theories  and  experiments,  and  to  it  Washington  became  a 
subscriber.  This  led  him  into  a  correspondence  with 
Young,  which  seems  to  have  been  quite  extended.  Con- 
vinced that  the  Young  program  represented  much  of  value 
to  American  agriculture,  Washington  offered  to  set  aside 
one  of  his  farms,  to  be  managed  by  English  experts,  if 
Young  would  enlist  them.  Apparently  nothing  finally 
came  of  this  proposal,  but  the  fact  that  it  was  made,  and 
seriously  considered,  shows  how  near  Washington  and  King 
George  came  to  an  intimate  association  for  the  betterment 
of  agriculture.  Indeed,  inside  of  two  years  after  the  end 
of  the  Revolution,  Washington  appealed  to  Young  to  buy 
and  ship  to  him  an  invoice  of  agricultural  implements  and 


seeds  with  which  Washington  desired  to  experiment.  On 
investigation,  Young  discovered  that  British  law  forbade 
these  exports.  So  he  went  to  the  Minister  for  Home  Affairs, 
Lord  Grenville,  and  pleaded  for  permission  to  send  them. 
It  was  immediately  granted,  and  by  the  courtesy  of  the 
British  Government  the  entire  order  was  filled.  The  inci- 
dent is  an  interesting  indication  of  the  liberal  disposition 
manifested,  so  soon  after  the  war,  by  leading  men  of  both 

It  is  a  pleasant  thing  to  be  privileged  to  recall  on  an  occa- 
sion like  this  such  a  bit  of  evidence  touching  the  underlying 
community  of  interest  between  the  old  Kingdom  and  the 
new  Republic  in  matters  of  common  concern  and  human 
advancement.  Washington  was  the  last  person  to  harbor 
resentments;  and  in  this  and  other  instances  he  more  than 
once  found  his  former  enemies  ready  to  meet  him  half  way. 
As  we  look  back  now  on  a  century  and  more  of  uninter- 
rupted peace  between  the  two  nations,  we  can  not  but  feel 
that  such  peace  and  the  long  period  of  international  cooper- 
ation which  it  has  made  possible  have  been  in  no  small 
part  a  testimony  to  the  generous  willingness  of  all  men 
everywhere  to  recognize  as  the  first  citizen  of  the  world 
him  who  has  been  so  long  acclaimed  as  the  first  American. 

It  had  been  my  expectation  to  confine  my  address  to 
General  Washington  and  leave  the  stately  and  solemn 
grandeur  of  this  great  figure  as  the  sole  subject  for  the 
thought  of  those  who  might  hear  me.  I  shall  not  enter  into 
the  vain  speculation  of  what  he  might  do  if  he  were  living 
to-day.  Yet  his  farewell  address  shows  conclusively  that 
he  hoped  to  be  able  to  lay  down  certain  principles  of  con- 
duct for  his  fellow  countrymen  which  would  be  of  advan- 
tage to  them  so  long  as  the  Nation  into  which  he  had 
wrought  his  life  might  endure.  No  doubt  he  knew  the 
whole  world  would  hear  him.  He  had  seen  the  life  of  the 
soldier  in  time  of  war  and  after  that  of  the  statesman  in 



time  of  peace.  He  had  an  abiding  faith  in  honesty.  He 
believed  mightily  in  his  fellow  men.  The  vigor  with  which 
he  insisted  on  the  prosecution  of  war  was  no  less  than  the 
vigor  with  which  he  insisted  on  the  observance  of  peace. 
He  cherished  no  resentments,  he  harbored  no  hatreds,  he 
forgave  his  enemies.  He  felt  the  same  obligation  to  execute 
the  terms  of  a  treaty  made  for  the  benefit  of  a  former  foe 
that  he  felt  to  require  the  observance  of  those  made  for 
the  benefit  of  his  own  country.  He  realized  that  peace 
could  be  the  result  only  of  mutual  forbearance  and  mutual 
good  faith.  I 

He  harmonized  the  divergent  and  conflicting  interests  of 
different  nationalities  and  different  colonial  governments 
by  conference  and  agreement.  He  demonstrated  by  his 
arguments,  and  our  country  has  demonstrated  by  experi- 
ence, that  more  progress  can  be  made  by  cooperation  than 
by  conflict.    To  agree  quickly  with  your  adversary  always  j 

pays.  , 

The  world  has  not  outgrown,  it  can  never  outgrow,  the 
absolute  necessity  for  conformity  to  these  eternal  principles. 
I  want  to  see  America  assume  a  leadership  among  the  na- 
tions in  the  reliance  upon  the  good  faith  of  mankind.  I  J 
do  not  see  how  civilization  can  expect  permanent  progress 
on  any  other  theory.  If  what  is  saved  in  the  productive 
peace  of  to-day  is  to  be  lost  in  the  destructive  war  of  to- 
morrow, the  people  of  this  earth  can  look  forward  to  nothing 
but  everlasting  servitude.  There  is  no  justification  for 
hope.  This  was  not  the  conception  which  Washington  had 
of  life. 

If  the  people  of  the  Old  World  are  mutually  distrustful 
of  each  other  let  them  enter  into  mutual  covenants  for 
their  mutual  security,  and  when  such  covenants  have  been 
made  let  them  be  solemnly  observed  no  matter  what  the 
sacrifice.  They  have  settled  the  far  more  difficult  problems 
of  reparations,  they  are  in  process  of  funding  their  debts 



to  us,  why  can  they  not  agree  on  permanent  terms  of 
peace  and  fully  reestablish  international  faith  and  credit? 
If  there  be  differences  which  can  not  be  adjusted  at  the 
moment,  if  there  be  conditions  which  can  not  be  foreseen, 
let  them  be  resolved  in  the  future  by  methods  of  arbitration 
and  by  the  forms  of  judicial  determination. 

While  our  own  country  should  refrain  from  making  politi- 
cal commitments  where  it  does  not  have  political  interests, 
such  covenants  would  always  have  the  moral  support  of 
our  Government  and  could  not  fail  to  have  the  commenda- 
tion of  the  public  opinion  of  the  world.  Such  a  course 
would  be  sure  to  endow  the  participating  nations  with  an 
abundant  material  and  spiritual  reward.  On  what  other 
basis  can  there  be  any  encouragement  for  a  disposition  to 
attempt  to  finance  a  revival  of  Europe?  The  world  has 
tried  war  with  force  and  has  utterly  failed.  The  only  hope 
of  success  lies  in  peace  with  justice.  No  other  principle 
conforms  to  the  teaching  of  Washington ;  no  other  standard 
is  worthy  of  the  spirit  of  America;  no  other  course  makes 
so  much  promise  for  the  regeneration  of  the  world. 



//  we  are  to  have  that  harmony  and  tranquillity, 
that  union  of  spirit  which  is  the  foundation  of 
real  national  genius  and  national  progress,  we 
must  all  realize  that  there  are  true  Americans 
who  did  not  happen  to  be  bom  in  our  section  of 
the  country,  who  do  not  attend  our  place  of  re- 
ligious w  or  ship  f  who  are  not  of  our  racial  stock, 
or  who  are  not  proficient  in  our  language.    If  we  I 

are  to  create  on  this  continent  a  free  Republic  I 

and  an  enlightened  civilization  that  will  be 
capable  of  reflecting  the  true  greatness  and  glory 
of  mankind,  it  will  be  necessary  to  regard  these 
differences  as  accidental  and  unessential..  We 
shall  have  to  look  beyond  the  outward  manifes- 
tations of  race  and  creed.  Divine  Providence 
has  not  bestowed  upon  any  race  a  monopoly  of 
patriotism  and  character. 





It  is  a  high  privilege  to  sit  as  a  member  of  this  conven- 
tion. Those  who  exercise  it  have  been  raised  to  the  rank 
of  a  true  nobility.  It  is  a  mark  of  personal  merit  which  did 
not  come  by  right  of  birth  but  by  right  of  conquest.  No 
one  can  ever  question  your  title  as  patriots.  No  one  can 
ever  doubt  the  place  of  affection  and  honor  which  you  hold 
forevermore  in  the  heart  of  the  Nation.  Your  right  to  be 
here  results  from  what  you  dared  and  what  you  did  and 
the  sacrifices  which  you  made  for  our  common  country. 
It  is  all  a  glorious  story  of  American  enterprise  and  Ameri- 
can valor.  I 

The  magnitude  of  the  service  which  you  rendered  to  your  I 

country  and  to  humanity  is  beyond  estimation.  Sharp  out- 
lines here  and  there  we  know,  but  the  whole  account  of  I 
the  World  War  would  be  on  a  scale  so  stupendous  that  it 
could  never  be  recorded.  In  the  victory  which  was  finally  J 
gained  by  you  and  your  foreign  comrades,  you  represented 
on  the  battle  field  the  united  efforts  of  our  whole  people. 
You  were  there  as  the  result  of  a  great  resurgence  of  the 
old  American  spirit,  which  manifested  itself  in  a  thousand 
ways — by  the  pouring  out  of  vast  sums  of  money  in  credits 
and  charities,  by  the  organization  and  quickening  of  every 
hand  in  our  extended  industries,  by  the  expansion  of  agri- 
culture until  it  met  the  demands  of  famishing  continents, 
by  the  manufacture  of  an  unending  stream  of  munitions  and 
supplies,  by  the  creation  of  vast  fleets  of  war  and  transport 
ships,  and,  finally,  when  the  tide  of  battle  was  turning 

Before  the  American  Legion  Convention  at  Omaha,  Nebraska,  October 
6,  1925. 



against  our  associates,  by  bringing  into  action  a  great  armed 
force  on  sea  and  land  of  a  character  that  the  world  had 
never  seen  before,  which,  when  it  finally  took  its  place 
in  the  line,  never  ceased  to  advance,  carrying  the  cause  of 
liberty  to  a  triumphant  conclusion.  You  reaffirmed  the 
position  of  this  Nation  in  the  estimation  of  mankind.  You 
saved  civilization  from  a  gigantic  reverse.  Nobody  says 
now  that  Americans  can  not  fight. 

Our  people  were  influenced  by  many  motives  to  under- 
take to  carry  on  this  gigantic  conflict,  but  we  went  in  and 
came  out  singularly  free  from  those  questionable  causes 
and  results  which  have  often  characterized  other  wars. 
We  were  not  moved  by  the  age-old  antagonisms  of  racial 
jealousies  and  hatreds.  We  were  not  seeking  to  gratify 
the  ambitions  of  any  reigning  dynasty.  We  were  not  in- 
spired by  trade  and  commercial  rivalries.  We  harbored  no 
imperialistic  designs.  We  feared  no  other  country.  We 
coveted  no  territory.  But  the  time  came  when  we  were 
compelled  to  defend  our  own  property  and  protect  the  rights 
and  lives  of  our  own  citizens.  We  believed,  moreover,  that 
those  institutions  which  we  cherish  with  a  supreme  affec- 
tion, and  which  lie  at  the  foundation  of  our  whole  scheme 
of  human  relationship,  the  right  of  freedom,  of  equality,  of 
self-government,  were  all  in  jeopardy.  We  thought  the 
question  was  involved  of  whether  the  people  of  the  earth 
were  to  rule  or  whether  they  were  to  be  ruled.  We  thought 
that  we  were  helping  to  determine  whether  the  principle 
of  despotism  or  the  principle  of  liberty  should  be  the  pre- 
vailing standard  among  the  nations.  Then,  too,  our  coun- 
try all  came  under  the  influence  of  a  great  wave  of  idealism. 
The  crusading  spirit  was  aroused.  The  cause  of  civilization, 
the  cause  of  humanity,  made  a  compelling  appeal.  No 
doubt  there  were  other  motives,  but  these  appear  to  me  the 
chief  causes  which  drew  America  into  the  World  War. 

In  a  conflict  which  engaged  all  the  major  nations  of  the 

•"' •  — *- 


earth  and  lasted  for  a  period  exceeding  four  years,  there 
could  be  no  expectation  of  material  gains.  War  in  its  very- 
essence  means  destruction.  Never  before  were  contending 
peoples  so  well  equipped  with  every  kind  of  infernal  engine 
calculated  to  spread  desolation  on  land  and  over  the  face 
of  the  deep.  Our  country  is  only  but  now  righting  itself 
and  beginning  a  moderate  but  steady  recovery  from  the 
great  economic  loss  which  it  sustained.  That  tremendous 
debt  must  be  liquidated  through  the  laborious  toil  of  our 
people.  Modern  warfare  becomes  more  and  more  to  mean 
utter  loss,  destruction,  and  desolation  of  the  best  that  there 
is  of  any  people,  its  valiant  youth  and  its  accumulated 
treasure.  If  our  country  secured  any  benefit,  if  it  met  with 
any  gain,  it  must  have  been  in  moral  and  spiritual  values. 
It  must  be  not  because  it  made  its  fortune  but  because  it 
found  its  soul.  Others  may  disagree  with  me,  but  in  spite 
of  some  incidental  and  trifling  difficulties  it  is  my  firm 
opinion  that  America  has  come  out  of  the  war  with  a  I 

stronger  determination  to  live  by  the  rule  of  righteousness 
and  pursue  the  course  of  truth  and  justice  in  both  our 
domestic  and  foreign  relations.  No  one  can  deny  that  we 
have  protected  the  rights  of  our  citizens,  laid  a  firmer  , 

foundation  for  our  institutions  of  liberty,  and  made  our 
contribution  to  the  cause  of  civilization  and  humanity. 
In  doing  all  this  we  found  that,  though  of  many  different 
nationalities,  our  people  had  a  spiritual  bond.  They  were 
all  Americans. 

When  we  look  over  the  rest  of  the  world,  in  spite  of  all  its 
devastation  there  is  encouragement  to  believe  it  is  on  a 
firmer  moral  foundation  than  it  was  in  1914.  Much  of 
the  old  despotism  has  been  swept  away,  While  some  of  it 
comes  creeping  back  disguised  under  new  names,  no  one 
can  doubt  that  the  general  admission  of  the  right  of  the 
people  to  self-government  has  made  tremendous  progress 
in  nearly  every  quarter  of  the  globe.    In  spite  of  the  stag- 




gering  losses  and  the  grievous  burden  of  taxation,  there  is 
a  new  note  of  hope  for  the  individual  to  be  more  secure  in 
his  rights,  which  is  unmistakably  clearer  than  ever  before. 
With  all  the  troubles  that  beset  the  Old  World,  the  former 
cloud  of  fear  is  evidently  not  now  so  appalling.  It  is  im- 
possible to  believe  that  any  nation  now  feels  that  it  could 
better  itself  by  war,  and  it  is  apparent  to  me  that  there  has 
been  a  very  distinct  advance  in  the  policy  of  peaceful  and 
honorable  adjustment  of  international  differences.  War 
has  become  less  probable;  peace  has  become  more  secure. 
The  price  which  has  been  paid  to  bring  about  this  new 
condition  is  utterly  beyond  comprehension.  We  can  not 
see  why  it  should  not  have  come  in  orderly  and  peaceful 
methods  without  the  attendant  shock  of  fire  and  sword  and 
carnage.  We  only  know  that  it  is  here.  We  believe  that 
on  the  ruins  of  the  old  order  a  better  civilization  is  being 

We  had  our  domestic  problems  which  resulted  from  the 
war.  The  chief  of  these  was  the  care  and  relief  of  the 
afflicted  veterans  and  their  dependents.  This  was  a  tre- 
mendous task,  on  which  about  $3,000,000,000  has  already 
been  expended.  No  doubt  there  have  been  cases  where 
the  unworthy  have  secured  aid,  while  the  worthy  have  gone 
unrelieved.  Some  mistakes  were  inevitable,  but  our  people 
and  our  Government  have  at  all  times  been  especially 
solicitous  to  discharge  most  faithfully  this  prime  obligation. 
What  is  now  being  done  is  related  to  you  in  detail  by  Gen- 
eral Hines,  of  the  Veterans'  Bureau,  a  public  official  of 
demonstrated  merit,  so  that  I  shall  not  dwell  upon  it.  Dur- 
ing the  past  year,  under  the  distinguished  and  efficient 
leadership  of  Commander  Drain,  the  Legion  itself  has  un- 
dertaken to  provide  an  endowment  fund  of  $5,000,000  to 
minister  to  the  charitable  requirements  of  their  comrades. 
The  response  to  this  appeal  has  been  most  generous  and 
the  results  appear  most  promising.    The  Government  can 

— ■  11^ ^^M— — —— — — ^— ■■■  II    I 


do  much,  but  it  can  never  supply  the  personal  relationship 
that  comes  from  the  ministrations  of  a  private  charity  of 
that  kind. 

The  next  most  pressing  problem  was  the  better  ordering 
of  the  finances  of  the  Nation.  Our  Government  was  costing 
almost  more  than  it  was  worth.  It  had  more  people  on 
the  pay  roll  than  were  necessary,  all  of  which  made  ex- 
penses too  much  and  taxes  too  high.  This  inflated  condi- 
tion contributed  to  the  depression  which  began  in  1920. 
But  the  Government  expenditures  have  been  almost  cut  in 
two,  taxes  have  been  twice  reduced,  and  the  incoming 
Congress  will  provide  further  reductions.  Deflation  has 
run  its  course  and  an  era  of  business  activity  and  general 
prosperity,  exceeding  anything  ever  before  experienced  in 
this  country  and  fairly  well  distributed  among  all  our  peo- 
ple, is  already  at  hand. 

Our  country  has  a  larger  Army  and  a  more  powerful 

Navy,  costing  annually  almost  twice  as  much  as  it  ever 

before  had  in  time  of  peace.    I  am  a  thorough  believer  in 

a  policy  of  adequate  military  preparation.     We  are  con-  I 

stantly  working  to  perfect  our  defenses  in  every  branch, 

land  forces,  air  forces,  surface  and  submarine  forces.    That 

.  .  .  II 

work  will  continue.     Our  Military  Establishment  of  the 

Army  and  Navy,  the  National  Guard,  and  the  Reserve 
Corps  is  far  superior  to  anything  we  have  ever  maintained 
before,  except  in  time  of  war.  In  the  past  six  years  we  have 
expended  about  $4,000,000,000  for  this  purpose.  That 
ought  to  show  results,  and  those  who  have  correct  informa- 
tion know  that  it  does  show  results.  The  country  can  rest 
assured  that  if  security  lies  in  military  force,  it  was  never 
so  secure  before  in  all  its  history. 

We  have  been  attempting  to  relieve  ourselves  and  the 
other  nations  from  the  old  theory  of  competitive  arma- 
ments. In  spite  of  all  the  arguments  in  favor  of  great 
military  forces,  no  nation  ever  had  an  army  large  enough 


to  guarantee  it  against  attack  in  time  of  peace  or  to  insure 
its  victory  in  time  of  war.  No  nation  ever  will.  Peace  and 
security  are  more  likely  to  result  from  fair  and  honorable 
dealings,  and  mutual  agreements  for  a  limitation  of  arma- 
ments among  nations,  than  by  any  attempt  at  competition 
in  squadrons  and  battalions.  No  doubt  this  country  could, 
if  it  wished  to  spend  more  money,  make  a  better  military 
force,  but  that  is  only  part  of  the  problem  which  con- 
fronts our  Government.  The  real  question  is  whether 
spending  more  money  to  make  a  better  military  force  would 
really  make  a  better  country.  I  would  be  the  last  to  dis- 
parage the  military  art.  It  is  an  honorable  and  patriotic 
calling  of  the  highest  rank.  But  I  can  see  no  merit  in  any 
unnecessary  expenditure  of  money  to  hire  men  to  build 
fleets  and  carry  muskets  when  international  relations  and 
agreements  permit  the  turning  of  such  resources  into  the 
making  of  good  roads,  the  building  of  better  homes,  the 
promotion  of  education,  and  all  the  other  arts  of  peace 
which  minister  to  the  advancement  of  human  welfare. 
Happily,  the  position  of  our  country  is  such  among  the 
other  nations  of  the  world  that  we  have  been  and  shall  be 
warranted  in  proceeding  in  this  direction. 

While  it  is  true  that  we  are  paying  out  far  more  money 
and  maintaining  a  much  stronger  Military  Establishment 
than  ever  before,  because  of  the  conditions  stated,  we  have 
been  able  to  pursue  a  moderate  course.  Our  people  have 
had  all  the  war,  all  the  taxation,  and  all  the  military  service 
that  they  want.  They  have  therefore  wished  to  emphasize 
their  attachment  to  our  ancient  policy  of  peace.  They 
have  insisted  upon  economy.  They  have  supported  the 
principle  of  limitation  of  armaments.  They  have  been  able 
to  do  this  because  of  their  position  and  their  strength  in 
numbers  and  in  resources.  We  have  a  tremendous  natural 
power  which  supplements  our  arms.  We  are  conscious  that 
no  other  nation  harbors  any  design  to  put  us  in  jeopardy. 

^ Mmm AHMBAM mm ^^Mi 


It  is  our  purpose  in  our  intercourse  with  foreign  powers 
to  rely  not  on  the  strength  of  our  fleets  and  our  armies  but 
on  the  justice  of  our  cause.  For  these  reasons  our  country- 
has  not  wished  to  maintain  huge  military  forces.  It  has 
been  convinced  that  it  could  better  serve  itself  and  better 
serve  humanity  by  using  its  resources  for  other  purposes. 

In  dealing  with  our  military  problems  there  is  one  prin- 
ciple that  is  exceedingly  important.  Our  institutions  are 
founded  not  on  military  power  but  on  civil  authority.  We 
are  irrevocably  committed  to  the  theory  of  a  government 
by  the  people.  We  have  our  constitutions  and  our  laws, 
our  executives,  our  legislatures,  and  our  courts,  but  ulti- 
mately we  are  governed  by  public  opinion.  Our  forefathers 
had  seen  so  much  of  militarism,  and  suffered  so  much  from 
it,  that  they  desired  to  banish  it  forever.  They  believed  and 
declared  in  at  least  one  of  their  State  constitutions  that 
the  military  power  should  be  subordinate  to  and  governed  by 
the  civil  authority.  It  is  for  this  reason  that  any  organiza- 
tion of  men  in  the  military  service  bent  on  inflaming  the 
public  mind  for  the  purpose  of  forcing  Government  action  II 

through  the  pressure  of  public  opinion  is  an  exceedingly 
dangerous  undertaking  and  precedent.  This  is  so  whatever 
form  it  might  take,  whether  it  be  for  the  purpose  of  in- 
fluencing the  Executive,  the  legislature,  or  the  heads  of 
departments.  It  is  for  the  civil  authority  to  determine  what 
appropriations  shall  be  granted,  what  appointments  shall  be 
made,  and  what  rules  shall  be  adopted  for  the  conduct  of 
its  armed  forces.  Whenever  the  military  power  starts  dic- 
tating to  the  civil  authority,  by  whatsoever  means  adopted, 
the  liberties  of  the  country  are  beginning  to  end.  National 
defense  should  at  all  times  be  supported,  but  any  form  of 
militarism  should  be  resisted. 

Undoubtedly  one  of  the  most  important  provisions  in  the 
preparation  for  national  defense  is  a  proper  and  sound 
selective  service  act.    Such  a  law  ought  to  give  authority 


for  a  very  broad  mobilization  of  all  the  resources  of  the 
country,  both  persons  and  materials.  I  can  see  some  diffi- 
culties in  the  application  of  the  principle,  for  it  is  the  pay- 
ment of  a  higher  price  that  stimulates  an  increased  pro- 
duction, but  whenever  it  can  be  done  without  economic 
dislocation  such  limits  ought  to  be  established  in  time  of 
war  as  would  prevent  so  far  as  possible  all  kinds  of  profi- 
teering. There  is  little  defense  which  can  be  made  of  a 
system  which  puts  some  men  in  the  ranks  on  very  small 
pay  and  leaves  others  undisturbed  to  reap  very  large  profits. 
Even  the  income  tax,  which  recaptured  for  the  benefit  of 
the  National  Treasury  alone  about  75  per  cent  of  such 
profits,  while  local  governments  took  part  of  the  remainder, 
is  not  a  complete  answer.  The  laying  of  taxes  is,  of  course, 
in  itself  a  conscription  of  whatever  is  necessary  of  the 
wealth  of  the  country  for  national  defense,  but  taxation  does 
not  meet  the  full  requirements  of  the  situation.  In  the 
advent  of  war,  power  should  be  lodged  somewhere  for  the 
stabilization  of  prices  as  far  as  that  might  be  possible  in 
justice  to  the  country  and  its  defenders. 

But  it  will  always  be  impossible  to  harmonize  justice  and 
war.  It  is  always  possible  to  purchase  materials  with 
money,  but  patriotism  can  not  be  purchased.  Unless  the 
people  are  willing  to  defend  their  country  because  of  their 
belief  in  it,  because  of  their  affection  for  it,  and  because  it 
is  representative  of  their  home,  their  country  can  not  be 
defended.  If  we  are  looking  for  a  more  complete  reign  of 
justice,  a  more  complete  supremacy  of  law,  a  more  complete 
social  harmony,  we  must  seek  it  in  the  paths  of  peace. 
Progress  in  these  directions  under  the  present  order  of  the 
world  is  not  likely  to  be  made  except  during  a  state  of 
domestic  and  international  tranquillity.  One  of  the  great 
questions  before  the  nations  to-day  is  how  to  promote  such 

The  economic  problems  of  society  are  important.     On 

— ■—■ ——  ■  ir.r  r 


the  whole,  we  are  meeting  them  fairly  well.  They  are  so 
personal  and  so  pressing  that  they  never  fail  to  receive 
constant  attention.  But  they  are  only  a  part.  We  need 
to  put  a  proper  emphasis  on  the  other  problems  of  society. 
We  need  to  consider  what  attitude  of  the  public  mind  it  is 
necessary  to  cultivate  in  order  that  a  mixed  population  like 
our  own  may  dwell  together  more  harmoniously  and  the 
family  of  nations  reach  a  better  state  of  understanding. 
You  who  have  been  in  the  service  know  how  absolutely 
necessary  it  is  in  a  military  organization  that  the  individual 
subordinate  some  part  of  his  personality  for  the  general 
good.  That  is  the  one  great  lesson  which  results  from  the 
training  of  a  soldier.  WThoever  has  been  taught  that  lesson 
in  camp  and  field  is  thereafter  the  better  equipped  to  appre- 
ciate that  it  is  equally  applicable  in  other  departments  of 
life.  It  is  necessary  in  the  home,  in  industry  and  commerce, 
in  scientific  and  intellectual  development.  At  the  founda- 
tion of  every  strong  and  mature  character  we  find  this 
trait  which  is  best  described  as  being  subject  to  discipline. 
The  essence  of  it  is  toleration.  It  is  toleration  in  the  broad- 
est and  most  inclusive  sense,  a  liberality  of  mind,  which 
gives  to  the  opinions  and  judgments  of  others  the  same  J 

generous  consideration  that  it  asks  for  its  own,  and  which 
is  moved  by  the  spirit  of  the  philosopher  who  declared 
that  "To  know  all  is  to  forgive  all."  It  may  not  be  given 
to  infinite  beings  to  attain  that  ideal,  but  it  is  none  the  less 
one  toward  which  we  should  strive. 

One  of  the  most  natural  of  reactions  during  the  war  was 
intolerance.  But  the  inevitable  disregard  for  the  opinions 
and  feelings  of  minorities  is  none  the  less  a  disturbing  prod- 
uct of  war  psychology.  The  slow  and  difficult  advances 
which  tolerance  and  liberalism  have  made  through  long 
periods  of  development  are  dissipated  almost  in  a  night 
when  the  necessary  war-time  habits  of  thought  hold  the 
minds  of  the  people.    The  necessity  for  a  common  purpose 





and  a  united  intellectual  front  becomes  paramount  to  every- 
thing else.  But  when  the  need  for  such  a  solidarity  is  past 
there  should  be  a  quick  and  generous  readiness  to  revert  to 
the  old  and  normal  habits  of  thought.  There  should  be  an 
intellectual  demobilization  as  well  as  a  military  demobiliza- 
tion. Progress  depends  very  largely  on  the  encouragement 
of  variety.  Whatever  tends  to  standardize  the  community, 
to  establish  fixed  and  rigid  modes  of  thought,  tends  to  fos- 
silize society.  If  we  all  believed  the  same  thing  and  thought 
the  same  thoughts  and  applied  the  same  valuations  to  all 
the  occurrences  about  us,  we  should  reach  a  state  of  equilib- 
rium closely  akin  to  an  intellectual  and  spiritual  paralysis. 
It  is  the  ferment  of  ideas,  the  clash  of  disagreeing  judg- 
ments, the  privilege  of  the  individual  to  develop  his  own 
thoughts  and  shape  his  own  character,  that  makes  prog- 
ress possible.  It  is  not  possible  to  learn  much  from  those 
who  uniformly  agree  with  us.  But  many  useful  things  are 
learned  from  those  who  disagree  with  us ;  and  even  when  we 
can  gain  nothing  our  differences  are  likely  to  do  us  no  harm. 
In  this  period  of  after-war  rigidity,  suspicion,  and  intol- 
erance our  own  country  has  not  been  exempt  from  unfor- 
tunate experiences.  Thanks  to  our  comparative  isolation, 
we  have  known  less  of  the  international  frictions  and  rival- 
ries than  some  other  countries  less  fortunately  situated. 
But  among  some  of  the  varying  racial,  religious,  and  social 
groups  of  our  people  there  have  been  manifestations  of  an 
intolerance  of  opinion,  a  narrowness  to  outlook,  a  fixity  of 
judgment,  against  which  we  may  well  be  warned.  It  is  not 
easy  to  conceive  of  anything  that  would  be  more  unfor- 
tunate in  a  community  based  upon  the  ideals  of  which 
Americans  boast  than  any  considerable  development  of 
intolerance  as  regards  religion.  To  a  great  extent  this  coun- 
try owes  its  beginnings  to  the  determination  of  our  hardy 
ancestors  to  maintain  complete  freedom  in  religion.  In- 
stead of  a  state  church  we  have  decreed  that  every  citizen 



shall  be  free  to  follow  the  dictates  of  his  own  conscience  as 
to  his  religious  beliefs  and  affiliations.  Under  that  guaranty 
we  have  erected  a  system  which  certainly  is  justified  by  its 
fruits.  Under  no  other  could  we  have  dared  to  invite  the 
peoples  of  all  countries  and  creeds  to  come  here  and  unite 
with  us  in  creating  the  State  of  which  we  are  all  citizens. 

But  having  invited  them  here,  having  accepted  their 
great  and  varied  contributions  to  the  building  of  the  Nation, 
it  is  for  us  to  maintain  in  all  good  faith  those  liberal  in- 
stitutions and  traditions  which  have  been  so  productive  of 
good.  The  bringing  together  of  all  these  different  national, 
racial,  religious,  and  cultural  elements  has  made  our  country 
a  kind  of  composite  of  the  rest  of  the  world,  and  we  can 
render  no  greater  service  than  by  demonstrating  the  possi- 
bility of  harmonious  cooperation  among  so  many  various 
groups.  Every  one  of  them  has  something  characteristic 
and  significant  of  great  value  to  cast  into  the  common  fund 
of  our  material,  intellectual,  and  spiritual  resources. 

The  war  brought  a  great  test  of  our  experiment  in  amal- 
gamating these  varied  factors  into  a  real  Nation,  with  the 
ideals  and  aspirations  of  a  united  people.  None  was  ex- 
cepted from  the  obligation  to  serve  when  the  hour  of  danger  '] 
struck.  The  event  proved  that  our  theory  had  been  sound. 
On  a  solid  foundation  of  a  national  unity  there  had  been 
erected  a  superstructure  which  in  its  varied  parts  had  of- 
fered full  opportunity  to  develop  all  the  range  of  talents 
and  genius  that  had  gone  into  its  making.  Well-nigh  all 
the  races,  religions,  and  nationalities  of  the  world  were  rep- 
resented in  the  armed  forces  of  this  Nation,  as  they  were 
in  the  body  of  our  population.  No  man's  patriotism  was 
impugned  or  service  questioned  because  of  his  racial  origin, 
his  political  opinion,  or  his  religious  convictions.  Immi- 
grants and  sons  of  immigrants  from  the  central  European 
countries  fought  side  by  side  with  those  who  descended  from 
the  countries  which  were  our  allies;  with  the  sons  of  equa- 


torial  Africa;  and  with  the  Red  men  of  our  own  aboriginal 
population,  all  of  them  equally  proud  of  the  name  Ameri- 

We  must  not,  in  times  of  peace,  permit  ourselves  to  lose 
any  part  from  this  structure  of  patriotic  unity.  I  make 
no  plea  for  leniency  toward  those  who  are  criminal  or 
vicious,  are  open  enemies  of  society  and  are  not  prepared 
to  accept  the  true  standards  of  our  citizenship.  By  toler- 
ance I  do  not  mean  indifference  to  evil.  I  mean  respect  for 
different  kinds  of  good.  Whether  one  traces  his  American- 
isms back  three  centuries  to  the  Mayflower,  or  three  years 
to  the  steerage,  is  not  half  so  important  as  whether  his 
Americanism  of  to-day  is  real  and  genuine.  No  matter  by 
what  various  crafts  we  came  here,  we  are  all  now  in  the 
same  boat.  You  men  constituted  the  crew  of  our  "Ship  of 
State"  during  her  passage  through  the  roughest  waters. 
You  made  up  the  watch  and  held  the  danger  posts  when 
the  storm  was  fiercest.  You  brought  her  safely  and  trium- 
phantly into  port.  Out  of  that  experience  you  have  learned 
the  lessons  of  discipline,  tolerance,  respect  for  authority, 
and  regard  for  the  basic  manhood  of  your  neighbor.  You 
bore  aloft  a  standard  of  patriotic  conduct  and  civic  integ- 
rity, to  which  all  could  repair.  Such  a  standard,  with  a 
like  common  appeal,  must  be  upheld  just  as  firmly  and 
unitedly  now  in  time  of  peace.  Among  citizens  honestly 
devoted  to  the  maintenance  of  that  standard,  there  need  be 
small  concern  about  differences  of  individual  opinion  in 
other  regards.  Granting  first  the  essentials  of  loyalty  to 
our  country  and  to  our  fundamental  institutions,  we  may 
not  only  overlook,  but  we  may  encourage  differences  of 
opinion  as  to  other  things.  For  differences  of  this  kind  will 
certainly  be  elements  of  strength  rather  than  of  weakness. 
They  will  give  variety  to  our  tastes  and  interests.  They 
will  broaden  our  vision,  strengthen  our  understanding,  en- 
courage the  true  humanities,  and  enrich  our  whole  mode 



and  conception  of  life.  I  recognize  the  full  and  complete 
necessity  of  100  per  cent  Americanism,  but  100  per  cent 
Americanism  may  be  made  up  of  many  various  elements. 

If  we  are  to  have  that  harmony  and  tranquillity,  that 
union  of  spirit  which  is  the  foundation  of  real  national 
genius  and  national  progress,  we  must  all  realize  that  there 
are  true  Americans  who  did  not  happen  to  be  born  in  our 
section  of  the  country,  who  do  not  attend  our  place  of  re- 
ligious worship,  who  are  not  of  our  racial  stock,  or  who  are 
not  proficient  in  our  language.  If  we  are  to  create  on  this 
continent  a  free  Republic  and  an  enlightened  civilization 
that  will  be  capable  of  reflecting  the  true  greatness  and 
glory  of  mankind,  it  will  be  necessary  to  regard  these  dif-  I 

ferences  as  accidental  and  unessential.  We  shall  have  to 
look  beyond  the  outward  manifestations  of  race  and  creed. 
Divine  Providence  has  not  bestowed  upon  any  race  a 
monopoly  of  patriotism  and  character.  I 

The  same  principle  that  it  is  necessary  to  apply  to  the  I 

attitude  of  mind  among  our  own  people  it  is  also  necessary 
to  apply  to  the  attitude  of  mind  among  the  different  nations. 
During  the  war  we  were  required  not  only  to  put  a  strong 
emphasis  on  everything  that  appealed  to  our  own  national  jj 

pride  but  an  equally  strong  emphasis  on  that  which  tended 
to  disparage  other  peoples.  There  was  an  intensive  culti- 
vation of  animosities  and  hatreds  and  enmities,  together 
with  a  blind  appeal  to  force,  that  took  possession  of  sub- 
stantially all  the  peoples  of  the  earth.  Of  course,  these  min- 
istered to  the  war  spirit.  They  supplied  the  incentive  for 
destruction,  the  motive  for  conquest.  But  in  time  of  peace 
these  sentiments  are  not  helps  but  hindrances;  they  are 
not  constructive.  The  generally  expressed  desire  of  "Amer- 
ica first"  can  not  be  criticized.  It  is  a  perfectly  correct  aspi- 
ration for  our  people  to  cherish.  But  the  problem  which 
we  have  to  solve  is  how  to  make  America  first.  It  can  not 
be  done  by  the  cultivation  of  national  bigotry,  arrogance, 



or  selfishness.    Hatreds,  jealousies,  and  suspicions  will  not 
be  productive  of  any  benefits  in  this  direction.    Here  again 
we  must  apply  the  rule  of  toleration.    Because  there  are 
other  peoples  whose  ways  are  not  our  ways,  and  whose 
thoughts  are  not  our  thoughts,  we  are  not  warranted  in 
drawing  the  conclusion  that  they  are  adding  nothing  to 
the  sum  of  civilization.    We  can  make  little  contribution 
to  the  welfare  of  humanity  on  the  theory  that  we  are  a 
superior  people  and  all  others  are  an  inferior  people.    We 
do  not  need  to  be  too  loud  in  the  assertion  of  our  own  right- 
eousness.   It  is  true  that  we  live  under  most  favorable  cir- 
cumstances.   But  before  we  come  to  the  final  and  irrevoca- 
ble decision  that  we  are  better  than  everybody  else  we  need 
to  consider  what  we  might  do  if  we  had  their  provocations 
and  their  difficulties.    We  are  not  likely  to  improve  our  own 
condition  or  help  humanity  very  much  until  we  come  to 
the  sympathetic  understanding  that  human  nature  is  about 
the  same  everywhere,  that  it  is  rather  evenly  distributed 
over  the  surface  of  the  earth,  and  that  we  are  all  united  in 
a  common  brotherhood.    We  can  only  make  America  first 
in  the  true  sense  which  that  means  by  cultivating  a  spirit 
of  friendship  and  good  will,  by  the  exercise  of  the  virtues  of 
patience  and  forbearance,  by  being  "plenteous  in  mercy," 
and- through  progress  at  home  and  helpfulness  abroad  stand- 
ing as  an  example  of  real  service  to  humanity. 

It  is  for  these  reasons  that  it  seems  clear  that  the  results 
of  the  war  will  be  lost  and  we  shall  only  be  entering  a  period 
of  preparation  for  another  conflict  unless  we  can  demobilize 
the  racial  antagonisms,  fears,  hatreds,  and  suspicions,  and 
create  an  attitude  of  toleration  in  the  public  mind  of  the 
peoples  of  the  earth.  If  our  country  is  to  have  any  position 
of  leadership,  I  trust  it  may  be  in  that  direction,  and  I  be- 
lieve that  the  place  where  it  should  begin  is  at  home.  Let 
us  cast  off  our  hatreds.  Let  us  candidly  accept  our  treaties 
and  our  natural  obligations  of  peace.    We  know  and  every- 


one  knows  that  these  old  systems,  antagonisms,  and  reli- 
ance on  force  have  failed.  If  the  world  has  made  any  prog- 
ress, it  has  been  the  result  of  the  development  of  other 
ideals.  If  we  are  to  maintain  and  perfect  our  own  civiliza- 
tion, if  we  are  to  be  of  any  benefit  to  the  rest  of  mankind, 
we  must  turn  aside  from  the  thoughts  of  destruction  and 
cultivate  the  thoughts  of  construction.  We  can  not  place 
our  main  reliance  upon  material  forces.  We  must  reaffirm 
and  reinforce  our  ancient  faith  in  truth  and  justice,  in 
charitableness  and  tolerance.  We  must  make  our  supreme 
commitment  to  the  everlasting  spiritual  forces  of  life.  We 
must  mobilize  the  conscience  of  mankind. 

Your  gatherings  are  a  living  testimony  of  a  determina- 
tion to  support  these  principles.  It  would  be  impossible 
to  come  into  this  presence,  which  is  a  symbol  of  more  than 
300  years  of  our  advancing  civilization,  which  represents 
to  such  a  degree  the  hope  of  our  consecrated  living  and  the  i 

prayers  of  our  hallowed  dead,  without  a  firmer  conviction  I 

of  the  deep  and  abiding  purpose  of  our  country  to  live  in 
accordance  with  this  vision.  There  have  been  and  will  be 
lapses  and  discouragements,  surface  storms  and  disturb- 
ances. The  shallows  will  murmur,  but  the  deep  is  still.  lj 
We  shall  be  made  aware  of  the  boisterous  and  turbulent 
forces  of  evil  about  us  seeking  the  things  which  are  tem- 
poral. But  we  shall  also  be  made  aware  of  the  still  small 
voice  arising  from  the  fireside  of  every  devoted  home  in 
the  land  seeking  the  things  which  are  eternal.  To  such  a 
country,  to  such  a  cause,  the  American  Legion  has  dedi- 
cated itself.  Upon  this  rock  you  stand  for  the  service  of 
humanity.    Against  it  no  power  can  prevail. 








The  history  of  relationships  among  the  nations 
of  the  New  World  has  been  a  continuing  story  of 
effort  to  substitute  the  rule  of  arbitration,  of 
mediation,  of  adjudication  and  confidence,  for 
the  rule  of  force  and  war, 






^ l^^an a 



Great  men  belong  to  humanity.  They  are  the  incarna- 
tion of  the  truth.  Although  they  are  almost  always  de- 
veloped by  local  circumstances,  in  the  end  their  influence 
becomes  world-wide.  It  is  that  which  makes  appropriate 
the  rearing  of  monuments  within  our  own  land  to  those 
who  have  been  instrumental  in  advancing  human  welfare 
in  other  countries.  It  is  a  recognition  of  a  universal  stand- 
ard of  action  and  a  common  brotherhood  among  all  men. 
We  are  all  servants  of  the  truth. 

As  I  listened  to  the  eloquent  and  generous  words  of  the  I 

distinguished  ambassador  from  Argentina,  speaking  on  be-  I 

half  of  his  Government  and  people,  in  presenting  this  noble 
monument  of  civic  virtue  and  patriotic  achievement  to  the 
people  of  the  United  States,  I  was  again  reminded  how 
closely  parallel  have  run  the  lines  of  experience,  how  in- 
timate have  been  the  spiritual  associations,  among  the 
members  of  the  American  family  of  Republics.  To  the 
people  of  the  United  States  it  has  been  a  matter  of  pride 
and  gratification  that  their  ancestors  were  providentially 
chosen  to  initiate  the  movement  for  independence  in  the 
New  World.  If  that  movement  had  not  started  where  and 
when  it  did,  we  may  be  sure  it  would  have  started  at  some 
other  place  and  time,  and  that  at  last  its  results  would  have 
been  substantially  the  same.  It  was  not  among  the  human 
possibilities  that  the  communities  of  these  new-found  con- 
tinents should  permanently  be  maintained  as  dependencies 

At  the  dedication  of  a  monument  to  General  Jose  de  San  Martin  given 
by  Argentina  to  the  United  States,  Washington,  D.  C,  October  28,  1925. 




of  the  mother  states  in  Europe.  We  can  see  now  that  their 
destiny  to  establish  themselves  independently  was  just  as 
certain  as  that  a  patriarchal  system  of  government  must 
ultimately  be  displaced  by  a  more  progressive  form. 

It  was  not  possible  that  these  sturdy  communities  should 
merely  contribute  to  the  world  a  distorted  reflection  from 
the  light  of  older  states  and  ancient  institutions.  The  dis- 
covery of  America  to  the  world  was  providentially  fixed  in 
a  time  of  spiritual  and  intellectual  awakening.  It  was  an 
epoch  of  new  lights  and  new  aspirations,  of  mighty  clashes 
between  the  traditions  of  the  old  and  the  spirit  of  the  new 
time.  The  New  World  proved  a  fruitful  field  for  testing 
out  of  new  ideas  of  man's  relations  both  to  his  Creator  and 
to  his  fellow  men.  In  the  warming  sunshine  of  such  an 
opportunity,  in  the  fertility  of  such  a  virgin  soil,  these  ex- 
periments found  that  full  and  fair  scope  which  made  pos- 
sible their  triumphant  conclusion. 

It  may  be  well  to  consider  for  a  moment  the  essential 
similarities  which  marked  the  experiences  of  all  the  new 
American  communities  during  their  struggles  for  independ- 
ence and  later  during  their  trying  era  of  institution  build- 
ing. By  doing  this  we  can  better  realize  that  the  Ameri- 
can contribution  could  not  have  been  made  save  from  the 
soil  of  a  new  country.  You  can  not  transplant  an  ancient 
and  rigid  social  system  to  a  new  country  without  many  and 
revolutionary  modifications.  You  can  not  expect  that  these 
new  institutions  will  have  adequate  opportunity  for  devel- 
opment unless  they  grow  in  the  light  of  human  independ- 
ence and  spiritual  liberty. 

This  realization  came  early  to  the  great  leaders  of  thought 
in  all  the  American  countries.  So  we  find  that  as  North 
American  aspirations  produced  our  Washington,  Jefferson, 
Adams,  Hamilton,  and  Franklin — so  the  countries  to  the 
south  of  us  brought  forth  their  Miranda,  their  Bolivar,  their 
Hidalgo,  their  Artigas,  their  O'Higgins,  their  Sucre,  their 


Morazan,  and  finally  their  San  Martin — patriot,  statesman, 
immortal  contributor  to  the  founding  of  three  Republics. 
It  is  to  honor  the  memory  of  San  Martin,  and  to  acclaim 
his  achievements,  that  we  are  gathered  to-day. 

It  was  the  fortune  of  our  thirteen  North  American  Col- 
onies to  be  first  in  attaining  the  fact  and  recognition  of  in- 
dependence. Deeply  appreciating  their  own  high  fortune, 
the  people  of  the  new  United  States  were  from  the  be- 
ginning profoundly  sympathetic  with  every  movement  for 
liberty  and  independence  throughout  these  continents. 
And,  in  this  connection,  Mr.  Ambassador,  permit  me  to 
thank  you  for  the  generous  reference  you  made  a  few  mo- 
ments ago  to  the  services  of  Henry  Clay  in  the  cause  of 
Pan  American  freedom.  You  have  reminded  us  of  his 
persistent  and  eloquent  pleadings  in  behalf  of  the  strug- 
gling peoples  in  the  other  American  countries.  The  high 
tribute  of  Mr.  Clay  to  the  State  papers  produced  during 
that  period  by  the  Latin  American  leaders  was  only  equaled 
by  that  accorded  by  the  great  liberal  leaders  in  England  to 
the  State  papers  of  our  Revolutionary  period.  In  express- 
ing complete  agreement  with  the  estimate  placed  upon  them 
by  Mr.  Clay,  I  wish  to  call  attention  to  a  happy  coincidence 
of  this  occasion.  In  Mr.  Clay's  great  speech  in  the  House 
of  Representatives  on  March  24,  1818,  championing  the 
cause  of  the  South  American  Republics,  he  referred  in  espe- 
cially glowing  terms  to  the  far-seeing  statesmanship  of  the 
Argentine  patriot  who  was  then  director  of  the  United 
Provinces  of  La  Plata.  I  am  sure  your  excellency  will  par- 
don me  an  allusion  to  a  relationship  which  your  modesty 
has  forbidden  you  to  mention.  For  to  me  it  is  a  happy  and 
auspicious  circumstance  that  you,  Argentina's  ambassador 
to  our  Government,  chance  to  be  the  grand-nephew  of  the 
wise  and  courageous  statesman,  Don  Juan  Martin  Pueyr- 
redon,  whom  Mr.  Clay  so  appropriately  eulogized. 

On  such  an  occasion  as  this  it  is  utterly  impossible  to  at- 



tempt  a  recounting  of  the  services,  in  arms  and  in  counsel, 
of  such  a  man  as  Jose  de  San  Martin.  Just  as  so  many  of 
the  military  figures  in  the  North  American  struggle  for  in- 
dependence had  had  European  training  during  the  Seven 
Years'  War,  so  San  Martin  had  had  a  varied  and  useful 
experience  in  the  Napoleonic  struggles.  As  George  Wash- 
ington learned  military  science  on  the  frontiers  of  Penn- 
sylvania while  a  youth,  so  San  Martin  received  his  educa- 
tion in  the  European  and  African  wars  of  Spain  a  genera- 
tion later.  And  these  American  soldiers  of  independence 
learned  their  lessons  well.  As  some  distinguished  military 
critics  have  described  Washington's  campaign  of  Trenton 
and  Princeton  as  a  military  exploit  of  unparalleled  bril- 
liancy, so  in  the  annals  of  the  southern  wars  of  independence 
others  describe  San  Martin's  passage  of  the  Andes  with 
his  little  patriot  army  as  a  more  notable  achievement  than 
the  crossing  of  the  Alps  by  either  Hannibal  or  Napoleon. 
I  do  not  pretend  to  pass  on  these  questions  of  military  or- 
ganization and  direction ;  but  I  can  not  refrain  from  point- 
ing out  the  basic  similarity  between  the  strategy  of  the 
North  American  and  the  South  American  revolutionary 
epochs.  The  North  American  revolutionists  chose  the  great 
Washington,  citizen  of  a  southern  colony,  to  lead  a  revolu- 
tionary movement  that  had  been  begun,  and  in  its  early 
stages  was  chiefly  sustained  by  the  people  of  the  north. 
Likewise,  when  San  Martin  was  made  the  supreme  mili- 
tary leader  of  Argentina,  he  saw  that  the  success  of  Ar- 
gentina depended  upon  strengthening  and  sustaining  the 
revolution  in  Chile  and  Peru. 

But  it  is  not  my  purpose  to-day  to  attempt  to  analyze 
the  military  genius  of  San  Martin.  For  that  I  refer  you 
to  the  writings  of  men  truly  capable  of  giving  it  an  adequate 
estimate.  He  was,  like  our  Washington,  one  of  those  seem- 
ingly inspired  military  chieftains  who  are  capable  of  think- 
ing at  the  same  moment  of  terms  of  war  and  of  politics, 



of  the  battle  field  and  the  great  human  forum.  For  me 
the  great  significance  of  San  Martin  and  his  deeds  and 
times  lies  less  in  their  brilliancy  in  the  moment  of  accom- 
plishment and  more  in  the  justifying  verdict  which  a  later 
time  and  a  riper  experience  have  pronounced  upon  them. 

This  is  a  subject  which  I  believe  worthy  of  greater  de- 
velopment than  my  time  will  permit.  We  who  to-day  study 
the  lessons  of  modern  history  possess  advantages  unknown 
to  our  predecessors  of  even  a  few  years  ago.  We  see  many 
things  which  we  could  not  then  have  recognized.  Thus  we 
see  your  South  America  suddenly  lifted  to  a  place  of  im- 
pressive eminence  among  the  grand  divisions  of  the  world. 
For  it  stands  to-day  as  the  only  continent  that  has  escaped 
from  deep  and  critical  involvement  in  the  most  widespread 
and  terrific  struggle  that  has  been  waged  for  the  domina- 
tion of  the  destiny  of  mankind.  There  is  not  one  among  us 
here  to-day  who,  having  passed  the  meridian  of  life,  can 
not  recall  the  days  when  our  American  experiments  were 
still  looked  upon  throughout  a  large  part  of  the  world  as  of 
doubtful  value  and  dubious  success.     We  recall  that  the  li 

sophisticated  statesmanship  of  an  older  world  entertained 
profound  misgivings  as  to  the  ultimate  fate  of  these  Ameri- 
can Republics.  These  critics  wondered  whether  with  their 
liberal  and  democratic  organization  these  new  countries 
would  prove  able  to  play  their  full  part  and  emerge  secure 
and  sound  from  one  of  the  vast  periodical  convulsions  to 
which  our  race  has  seemed  to  be  inevitably  subjected.  Now, 
I  am  glad  to  say,  we  hear  less  of  such  misgivings.  The 
world  has  had  its  test.  The  institutions  of  men  have  been 
through  their  trial.  That  trial  has  quite  definitely  answered 
the  questionings  of  pessimism.  It  has  provided  us  with 
much  specific  information  by  which  we  may  judge  for  our- 
selves whether  the  institutions  of  a  republican  New  World 
or  of  a  monarchial  Old  World  were  best  adapted  as  conser- 
vators of  human  happiness  and  human  progress.    We  are 



content  to  leave  the  final  verdict  to  history.  The  republi- 
can peoples  of  the  Americas  are  prepared  to  take  their 
chance  on  that  judgment. 

It  was  no  mere  accident  or  coincidence  that  saved  the 
countries  of  South  America  from  a  far  more  intimate  and 
disastrous  connection  with  the  recent  world  convulsion. 
Whoever  has  given  even  casual  consideration  to  the  past 
century's  evolution  of  international  relationships  in  that 
continent  must  recognize  that  not  only  its  aspirations  but 
its  practical  working  processes  for  dealing  with  difficult  is- 
sues between  nations  have  steadily  tended  toward  the  insur- 
ing of  peace.  They  have  looked  to  the  substitution  of  reason 
for  force.  They  have  repeatedly  recognized,  in  the  most 
practical  fashion  and  difficult  circumstances,  that  even  issues 
of  vital  interest  to  the  national  welfare  may  be  determined 
to  the  advantage  of  all  concerned  without  resort  to  hos- 
tilities. Such  problems  as  international  boundary  disputes 
involving  sovereignty  over  great  areas  and  populations  have 
been  settled  through  arbitrations  or  adjudications  time  and 
again.  And  these  settlements  have  been  followed  by  dem- 
onstrations of  good  will  and  mutual  confidence,  where  war, 
no  matter  what  its  verdict,  would  surely  have  added  to  the 
exasperations  of  both  parties  and  left  a  heritage  of  that 
mutual  distrust  which  so  commonly  is  responsible  for  in- 
creased armaments  and  future  wars.  I  do  not  pretend  to 
controvert  the  facts  of  history  by  denying  that  South 
America  has  had  its  share  of  international  wars.  I  am 
seeking  merely  to  call  attention  to  the  fact  that  there  would 
have  been  more  wars,  and  more  disastrous  pnes,  but  for  the 
fact  that  South  American  statesmanship  has  on  the  whole 
been  dominated  by  an  earnest  and  increasingly  successful 
purpose  to  devise  and  adopt  a  variety  of  methods  for  avoid- 
ance of  armed  conflict.  The  will  to  peace  has  been  present, 
even  though  the  way  to  it  was  not  always  open. 

The  present  occasion  naturally  brings  some  reflections 


upon  the  workings  of  the  republican  system  that  for  a  well- 
rounded  century  has  prevailed  throughout  the  greater  part 
of  the  Americas.  If  we  will  go  back  over  a  century  of  the 
New  World's  history,  we  will  find  many  evidences  that  these 
American  institutions  have  peculiarly  lent  themselves  to 
the  support  of  those  fundamental  international  efforts 
which  look  to  the  maintenance  of  peace  and  the  prevention 
of  war.  It  is  almost  precisely  a  century  since  the  first  Pan 
American  conference  was  held  at  Panama  City.  Its  ac- 
complishments did  not  seem  impressive,  but  even  at  that 
it  was  well  remembered  as  a  fine  and  hopeful  gesture.  It 
was  seen  as  an  invitation  to  understanding,  to  cooperation, 
and  to  sincere  effort  at  maintaining  peace  on  this  side  of 
the  Atlantic. 

From  that  day  to  this  the  history  of  relationships  among 
the  nations  of  the  New  World  has  been  a  continuing  story 
of  effort  to  substitute  the  rule  of  arbitration,  of  mediation, 
of  adjudicating  and  confidence,  for  the  rule  of  force  and 
war.  To  the  scholarly  statesmanship  of  the  Latin  Ameri- 
can nations  the  world  owes  a  debt  which  it  has  been  too 
tardy  in  acknowledging.  The  truth  is  that  they  have  dem- 
onstrated a  peculiar  genius  in  the  realm  of  international 
accommodation  and  accord.  The  high  and  humane  doc- 
trines of  international  relationship  which  were  expounded 
by  such  men  as  Calvo,  Drago,  Alvarez,  Bello,  Ruy  Barbosa, 
Rio  Branco,  and  a  long  list  of  others  are  now  recognized 
universally.  The  record  of  arbitrations,  mediations,  and 
adjudications  among  the  Latin  American  countries  consti- 
tutes one  of  the  fairest  pages  in  a  century's  story  of  man- 
kind's effort  to  eliminate  the  causes  of  war.  Among  their 
international  treaties  we  will  find  models  of  effective  cove- 
nants for  the  limitation  of  armament  and  the  prevention 
of  strife  in  arms. 

The  present  is  a  time  when  men  and  nations  are  all  giving 
heed  to  the  voice  which  pleads  for  peace.    Everywhere  they 


are  yearning  as  never  before  for  a  leadership  that  will  direct 
them  into  the  inviting  paths  of  progress,  prosperity,  and 
genuine  fellowship.  A  clearer  vision  has  shown  them  not 
alone  the  horrors  but  the  terrible  futility  of  war.  In  such 
a  time  as  this,  they  will  do  well  to  turn  their  thoughts 
in  all  sincerity  to  these  lessons  from  the  statesmanship,  the 
experience,  and  the  constant  aspiration  of  the  South  Ameri- 
can nations.  The  continent  which  of  all  the  world  has 
known  less  of  war  and  more  of  peace  than  any  other  through 
this  trying  period  is  well  entitled  to  pride  in  the  service 
it  has  rendered  to  its  own  people  and  in  the  example  which 
it  has  set  before  the  rest  of  mankind. 

So  the  present  occasion  has  appealed  to  me  not  merely 
as  appropriate  for  the  exchange  of  the  ordinary  felicita- 
tions but  as  one  on  which  these  contributions  of  Latin 
America  in  moral  and  intellectual  leadership  might  be  given 
something  of  the  recognition  they  have  deserved.  It  is  not 
possible  to  do  more  than  suggest  the  subject.  But  even 
so  fragmentary  an  allusion  to  such  an  inviting  field,  I  hope 
may  serve  a  useful  purpose.  It  would  be  worth  the  effort 
of  men  and  women  who  seek  means  of  preventing  wars  and 
reducing  armaments  to  study  the  experiences  of  the  Ameri- 
can Republics.  I  commend  them  to  the  close  attention  of 
all  who  would  like  to  see  peace  as  nearly  as  possible  as- 
sured and  war  as  far  as  possible  outlawed  from  the  earth. 

Among  the  leaders  whose  courage  and  genius  brought 
realization  of  the  New  World's  dream  of  liberty  with  inde- 
pendence, none  was  moved  by  a  deeper  horror  of  war  than 
San  Martin.  None  among  his  colleagues  would  give  more 
ardent  approval  than  he  to  the  work  of  later  statesmen 
who  had  a  vision  of  a  continent  dedicated  to  peace  and  the 
true  welfare  of  its  people.  To  his  sagacity,  more  than 
that  of  any  other  man,  is  due  the  distribution  of  the  South 
American  Continent  within  its  present  national  lines,  be- 
cause he  possessed  the  foresight  of  the  statesman  along  with 


the  qualities  of  the  brilliant  soldier  and  the  eager  patriot. 
As  has  happened  too  often  to  the  foremost  benefactors 
of  their  fellowmen,  San  Martin  was  denied  during  his  own 
life  those  testimonies  of  gratitude  and  reverence  which 
other  times  and  all  peoples  have  been  proud  to  shower 
upon  his  memory.  I  have  been  told  that  monuments  to  him 
have  been  dedicated  in  almost  all  the  capitals  of  South 
America.  To-day  the  country  which  gave  him  to  the  cause 
of  freedom  is  presenting  to  the  Government  of  my  own 
Nation  this  statue  of  him.  It  is  a  welcome  duty  which 
comes  to  me,  in  behalf  of  the  Government  and  people 
of  the  United  States,  to  express  their  pleasure  in  accepting 
it.  May  it  stand  through  the  centuries  as  an  inspiration  to 
all  who  love  liberty.  May  it  ever  be  an  added  reminder 
of  the  fellowship  between  the  great  nation  which  gives  and 
that  which  is  honored  to  receive  it.  May  it  serve  to  keep 
in  the  minds  and  hearts  of  all  humankind  the  realization  of 
the  noble  and  honored  place  which  is  held  by  that  repub- 
lican system  of  the  New  World,  of  which  he  was  one  of 
the  foremost  creators. 














True  business  represents  the  mutual  organized 
effort  of  society  to  minister  to  the  economic  re- 
quirements of  civilization.  It  is  an  effort  by 
which  men  provide  for  the  material  needs  of  each 
other.  While  it  is  not  an  end  in  itself,  it  is  the 
important  means  for  the  attainment  of  a  su- 
preme end.  It  rests  squarely  on  the  law  of  serv- 
ice. It  has  for  its  main  reliance  truth  and  faith 
and  justice.  In  its  larger  sense  it  is  one  of  the 
greatest  contributing  forces  to  the  moral  and 
spiritual  advancement  of  the  race. 





This  time  and  place  naturally  suggest  some  considera- 
tion of  commerce  in  its  relation  to  Government  and  society. 
We  are  finishing  a  year  which  can  justly  be  said  to  surpass 
all  others  in  the  overwhelming  success  of  general  business. 
We  are  met  not  only  in  the  greatest  American  metropolis, 
but  in  the  greatest  center  of  population  and  business  that 
the  world  has  ever  known.  If  any  one  wishes  to  gauge  the 
power  which  is  represented  by  the  genius  of  the  American 
spirit,  let  him  contemplate  the  wonders  which  have  been 
wrought  in  this  region  in  the  short  space  of  200  years.  Not 
only  does  it  stand  unequaled  by  any  other  place  on  earth, 
but  it  is  impossible  to  conceive  of  any  other  place  where 
it  could  be  equaled. 

The  foundation  of  this  enormous  development  rests  upon 
commerce.  New  York  is  an  imperial  city,  but  it  is  not  a 
seat  of  government.  The  empire  over  which  it  rules  is  not 
political,  but  commercial.  The  great  cities  of  the  ancient 
world  were  the  seats  of  both  government  and  industrial 
power.  The  Middle  Ages  furnished  a  few  exceptions.  The 
great  capitals  of  former  times  were  not  only  seats  of  gov- 
ernment but  they  actually  governed.  In  the  modern  world 
government  is  inclined  to  be  merely  a  tenant  of  the  city. 
Political  life  and  industrial  life  flow  on  side  by  side,  but 
practically  separated  from  each  other.  When  we  contem- 
plate the  enormous  power,  autocratic  and  uncontrolled, 
which  would  have  been  created  by  joining  the  authority  of 
government  with  the  influence  of  business,  we  can  better 

Address  before  the  Chamber  of  Commerce  of  the  State  of  New  York, 
New  York  City,  November  19,  1925. 



appreciate  the  wisdom  of  the  fathers  in  their  wise  dispensa- 
tion which  made  Washington  the  political  center  of  the 
country  and  left  New  York  to  develop  into  its  business 
center.    They  wrought  mightily  for  freedom. 

The  great  advantages  of  this  arrangement  seem  to  me  to 
be  obvious.  The  only  disadvantages  which  appear  lie  in 
the  possibility  that  otherwise  business  and  government 
might  have  had  a  better  understanding  of  each  other  and 
been  less  likely  to  develop  mutual  misapprehensions  and 
suspicions.  If  a  contest  could  be  held  to  determine  how 
much  those  who  are  really  prominent  in  our  government 
life  know  about  business,  and  how  much  those  who  are 
really  prominent  in  our  business  life  know  about  govern- 
ment, it  is  my  firm  conviction  that  the  prize  would  be 
awarded  to  those  who  are  in  government  life.  This  is  as  it 
ought  to  be,  for  those  who  have  the  greater  authority  ought 
to  have  the  greater  knowledge.  But  it  is  my  even  firmer 
conviction  that  the  general  welfare  of  our  country  could 
be  very  much  advanced  through  a  better  knowledge  by 
both  of  those  parties  of  the  multifold  problems  with  which 
each  has  to  deal.  While  our  system  gives  an  opportunity 
for  great  benefit  by  encouraging  detachment  and  breadth  of 
vision  which  ought  not  to  be  sacrificed,  it  does  not  have 
the  advantages  which  could  be  secured  if  each  had  a  better 
conception  of  their  mutual  requirements. 

While  I  have  spoken  of  what  I  believed  would  be  the 
advantages  of  a  more  sympathetic  understanding,  I  should 
put  an  even  stronger  emphasis  on  the  desirability  of  the 
largest  possible  independence  between  'government  and 
business.  Each  ought  to  be  sovereign  in  its  own  sphere. 
When  government  comes  unduly  under  the  influence  of 
business,  the  tendency  is  to  develop  an  administration 
which  closes  the  door  of  opportunity;  becomes  narrow  and 
selfish  in  its  outlook,  and  results  in  an  oligarchy.  When 
government  enters  the  field  of  business  with  its  great  re- 



sources,  it  has  a  tendency  to  extravagance  and  inefficiency, 
but,  having  the  power  to  crush  all  competitors,  likewise 
closes  the  door  of  opportunity  and  results  in  monopoly.  It 
is  always  a  problem  in  a  republic  to  maintain  on  the  one 
side  that  efficiency  which  comes  only  from  trained  and 
skillful  management  without  running  into  fossilization  and 
autocracy,  and  to  maintain  on  the  other  that  equality  of 
opportunity  which  is  the  result  of  political  and  economic 
liberty  without  running  into  dissolution  and  anarchy.  The 
general  results  in  our  country,  our  freedom  and  prosperity, 
warrant  the  assertion  that  our  system  of  institutions  has 
been  advancing  in  the  right  direction  in  the  attempt  to  solve 
these  problems.  We  have  order,  opportunity,  wealth,  and 

While  there  has  been  in  the  past  and  will  be  in  the  future 
a  considerable  effort  in  this  country  of  different  business 
interests  to  attempt  to  run  the  Government  in  such  a  way 
as  to  set  up  a  system  of  privilege,  and  while  there  have 
been  and  will  be  those  who  are  constantly  seeking  to  com- 
mit the  Government  to  a  policy  of  infringing  upon  the 
domain  of  private  business,  both  of  these  efforts  have  been 
very  largely  discredited,  and  with  reasonable  vigilance  on 
the  part  of  the  people  to  preserve  their  freedom  do  not  now 
appear  to  be  dangerous. 

When  I  have  been  referring  to  business,  I  have  used  the 
word  in  its  all-inclusive  sense  to  denote  alike  the  employer 
and  employee,  the  production  of  agriculture  and  industry, 
the  distribution  of  transportation  and  commerce,  and  the 
service  of  finance  and  banking.  It  is  the  work  of  the 
world.  In  modern  life,  with  all  its  intricacies,  business  has 
come  to  hold  a  very  dominant  position  in  the  thoughts  of 
all  enlightened  peoples.  Rightly  understood,  this  is  not  a 
criticism,  but  a  compliment.  In  its  great  economic  organ- 
ization it  does  not  represent,  as  some  have  hastily  concluded, 
a  mere  desire  to  minister  to  selfishness.    The  New  York 


Chamber  of  Commerce  is  not  made  up  of  men  merely  ani- 
mated with  a  purpose  to  get  the  better  of  each  other.  It 
is  something  far  more  important  than  a  sordid  desire  for 
gain.  It  could  not  successively  succeed  on  that  basis.  It 
is  dominated  by  a  more  worthy  impulse;  its  rests  on  a 
higher  law.  True  business  represents  the  mutual  organ- 
ized effort  of  society  to  minister  to  the  economic  require- 
ments of  civilization.  It  is  an  effort  by  which  men  provide 
for  the  material  needs  of  each  other.  While  it  is  not  an 
end  in  itself,  it  is  the  important  means  for  the  attainment 
of  a  supreme  end.  It  rests  squarely  on  the  law  of  service. 
It  has  for  its  main  reliance  truth  and  faith  and  justice.  In 
its  larger  sense  it  is  one  of  the  greatest  contributing  forces 
to  the  moral  and  spiritual  advancement  of  the  race. 

It  is  the  important  and  righteous  position  that  business 
holds  in  relation  to  life  which  gives  warrant  to  the  great 
interest  which  the  National  Government  constantly  exer- 
cises for  the  promotion  of  its  success.  This  is  not  exercised 
as  has  been  the  autocratic  practice  abroad  of  directly  sup- 
porting and  financing  different  business  projects,  except  in 
case  of  great  emergency ;  but  we  have  rather  held  to  a  demo- 
cratic policy  of  cherishing  the  general  structure  of  busi- 
ness while  holding  its  avenues  open  to  the  widest  competi- 
tion, in  order  that  its  opportunities  and  its  benefits  might 
be  given  the  broadest  possible  participation.  While  it  is 
true  that  the  Government  ought  not  to  be  and  is  not  com- 
mitted to  certain  methods  of  acquisition  which,  while  par- 
taking of  the  nature  of  unfair  practices,  try  to  masquerade 
under  the  guise  of  business,  the  Government  is  and  ought 
to  be  thoroughly  committed  to  every  endeavor  of  produc- 
tion and  distribution  which  is  entitled  to  be  designated  as 
true  business.  Those  who  are  so  engaged,  instead  of  re- 
garding the  Government  as  their  opponent  and  enemy, 
ought  to  regard  it  as  their  vigilant  supporter  and  friend. 

It  is  only  in  exceptional  instances  that  this  means  a 



change  on  the  part  of  the  national  administration  so  much 
as  it  means  a  change  on  the  part  of  trade.  Except  for  the 
requirements  of  safety,  health  and  taxation,  the  law  enters 
very  little  into  the  work  of  production.  It  is  mostly  when 
we  come  to  the  problems  of  distribution  that  we  meet  the 
more  rigid  exactions  of  legislation.  The  main  reason  why 
certain  practices  in  this  direction  have  been  denounced  is 
because  they  are  a  species  of  unfair  competition  on  the  one 
hand  or  tend  to  monopoly  and  restraint  of  trade  on  the 
other.  The  whole  policy  of  the  Government  in  its  system 
of  opposition  to  monopoly,  and  its  public  regulation  of 
transportation  and  trade,  has  been  animated  by  a  desire 
to  have  business  remain  business.  We  are  politically  free 
people  and  must  be  an  economically  free  people. 

It  is  my  belief  that  the  whole  material  development  of 
our  country  has  been  enormously  stimulated  by  reason  of 
the  general  insistence  on  the  part  of  the  public  authorities 
that  economic  effort  ought  not  to  partake  of  privilege,  and 
that  business  should  be  unhampered  and  free.  This  could 
never  have  been  done  under  a  system  of  freight-rate  dis- 
criminations or  monopolistic  trade  associations.  These 
might  have  enriched  a  few  for  a  limited  period,  but  they 
never  would  have  enriched  the  country,  while  on  the  firmer 
foundation  of  justice  we  have  achieved  even  more  ample 
individual  fortunes  and  a  perfectly  unprecedented  era  of 
general  prosperity.  This  has  resulted  in  no  small  part  from 
the  general  acceptance  on  the  part  of  those  who  own  and 
control  the  wealth  of  the  Nation,  that  it  is  to  be  used  not 
to  oppress  but  to  serve.  It  is  that  policy,  sometimes  per- 
haps imperfectly  expressed  and  clumsily  administered,  that 
has  animated  the  National  Government.  In  its  observ- 
ance there  is  unlimited  opportunity  for  progress  and  pros- 

It  would  be  difficult,  if  not  impossible,  to  estimate  the 
contribution  which  government  makes  to  business.     It  is 


notorious  that  where  the  government  is  bad,  business  is 
bad.  The  mere  fundamental  precepts  of  the  administration 
of  justice,  the  providing  of  order  and  security,  are  price- 
less. The  prime  element  in  the  value  of  all  property  is 
the  knowledge  that  its  peaceful  enjoyment  will  be  publicly 
defended.  If  disorder  should  break  out  in  your  city,  if 
there  should  be  a  conviction  extending  over  any  length  of 
time  that  the  rights  of  persons  and  property  could  no  longer 
be  protected  by  law,  the  value  of  your  tall  buildings  would 
shrink  to  about  the  price  of  what  are  now  water  fronts  of 
old  Carthage  or  what  are  now  corner  lots  in  ancient  Baby- 
lon. It  is  really  the  extension  of  these  fundamental  rights 
that  the  Government  is  constantly  attempting  to  apply  to 
modern  business.  It  wants  its  rightful  possessors  to  rest 
in  security,  it  wants  any  wrongs  that  they  may  suffer  to 
have  a  legal  remedy,  and  it  is  all  the  time  striving  through 
administrative  machinery  to  prevent  in  advance  the  in- 
fliction of  injustice. 

These  undoubtedly  represent  policies  which  are  wise 
and  sound  and  necessary.  That  they  have  often  been  mis- 
applied and  many  times  run  into  excesses,  nobody  can 
deny.  Regulation  has  often  become  restriction,  and  in- 
spection has  too  frequently  been  little  less  than  obstruc- 
tion. This  was  the  natural  result  of  those  times  in  the 
past  when  there  were  practices  in  business  which  warranted 
severe  disapprobation.  It  was  only  natural  that  when  these 
abuses  were  reformed  by  an  aroused  public  opinion  a  great 
deal  of  prejudice  which  ought  to  have  been  discriminating 
and  directed  only  at  certain  evil  practices  came  to  include 
almost  the  whole  domain  of  business,  especially  where  it 
had  been  gathered  into  large  units.  After  the  abuses  had 
been  discontinued  the  prejudice  remained  to  produce  a 
large  amount  of  legislation,  which,  however  well  meant  in 
its  application  to  trade,  undoubtedly  hampered  but  did  not 
improve.    It  is  this  misconception  and  misapplication,  dis- 


turbing  and  wasteful  in  their  results,  which  the  National 
Government  is  attempting  to  avoid.  Proper  regulation  and 
control  are  disagreeable  and  expensive.  They  represent  the 
suffering  that  the  just  must  endure  because  of  the  unjust. 
They  are  a  part  of  the  price  which  must  be  paid  to  pro- 
mote the  cause  of  economic  justice. 

Undoubtedly  if  public  vigilance  were  relaxed,  the  genera- 
tion to  come  might  suffer  a  relapse.  But  the  present  gen- 
eration of  business  almost  universally  throughout  its  re- 
sponsible organization  and  management  has  shown  every 
disposition  to  correct  its  own  abuses  with  as  little  inter- 
vention of  the  Government  as  possible.  This  position  is 
recognized  by  the  public,  and  due  to  the  appreciation  of 
the  needs  which  the  country  has  for  great  units  of  produc- 
tion in  time  of  war,  and  to  the  better  understanding  of  the 
service  which  they  perform  in  time  of  peace,  resulting  very 
largely  from  the  discussion  of  our  tax  problems,  a  new  atti- 
tude of  the  public  mind  is  distinctly  discernible  toward 
great  aggregations  of  capital.  Their  prosperity  goes  very 
far  to  insure  the  prosperity  of  all  the  country.  The  con- 
tending elements  have  each  learned  a  most  profitable  lesson. 

This  development  has  left  the  Government  free  to  ad- 
vance from  the  problems  of  reform  and  repression  to  those 
of  economy  and  construction.  A  very  large  progress  is  be- 
ing made  in  these  directions.  Our  country  is  in  a  state  of 
unexampled  and  apparently  sound  and  well  distributed 
prosperity.  It  did  not  gain  wealth,  as  some  might  hastily 
conclude,  as  a  result  of  the  war.  Here  and  there  individuals 
may  have  profited  greatly,  but  the  country  as  a  whole  was 
a  heavy  loser.  Forty  billions  of  the  wealth  of  the  Nation 
was  directly  exhausted,  while  the  indirect  expenditure  and 
depreciation  can  not  be  estimated.  The  Government  ap- 
preciated that  the  only  method  of  regeneration  lay  in 
economy  and  production.  It  has  followed  a  policy  of  econ- 
omy in  national  expenditures.    By  an  enormous  reduction 


in  taxation  it  has  released  great  amounts  of  capital  for  use 
in  productive  effort.  It  has  sought  to  stimulate  domestic 
production  by  a  moderate  application  of  the  system  of  pro- 
tective tariff  duties.  The  results  of  these  efforts  are  known 
to  all  the  world. 

Another  phase  of  this  progress  is  not  so  well  understood, 
but  upon  its  continuance  depends  our  future  ability  to  meet 
the  competition  of  the  lower  standards  of  living  in  foreign 
countries.  During  the  past  five  years  the  Department  of 
Commerce  has  unceasingly  directed  attention  to  the  neces- 
sity for  the  elimination  of  waste.  This  effort  has  been 
directed  toward  better  cooperation  to  improve  efficiency 
in  the  use  of  labor  and  materials  in  all  branches  of  business. 
This  has  been  sought  by  the  necessary  cooperative  action 
among  individual  concerns  within  industrial  groups,  and 
between  producers  and  consumers.  This  does  not  imply 
any  diminution  of  fair  competition  or  any  violation  of  the 
laws  against  restraint  of  trade.  In  fact,  these  proposals 
have  been  a  protection  to  the  smaller  units  of  business  and 
a  most  valuable  asset  alike  to  the  producer,  wage  earner 
and  consumer. 

The  result  of  the  realization  of  these  wastes  and  the  large 
cooperative  effort  that  has  been  instituted  in  the  community 
to  cure  them,  whether  with  the  assistance  of  the  Govern- 
ment departments  or  by  independent  action  of  the  groups, 
has  been  the  most  profound  factor  in  this  recovery  made 
in  the  past  five  years.  There  can  be  no  question  that  great 
wastes  have  been  eliminated  by  these  activities  in  the  busi- 
ness community  through  such  actions  as  the  abolition  of 
car  shortages;  by  improved  equipment  and  methods  of 
management  of  our  railways ;  the  cooperation  with  shippers 
to  save  delays;  the  remarkable  advance  in  electrification  of 
the  country  with  all  of  its  economies  in  labor  and  coal ;  the 
provision  of  better  economic  and  statistical  information  as 
to  production,  stocks,  and  consumption  of  all  commodities 


in  order  that  producers  and  consumers  may  better  adjust 
supply  to  demand,  thereby  eliminating  speculation  and 
loss;  the  great  progress  made  in  the  technology  of  stand- 
ardizing quality  and  dimensions  in  heavy  manufactured 
products  like  building  materials  and  commodities  generally 
which  do  not  involve  problems  of  style  or  individuality;  the 
reduction  of  seasonal  employment  in  the  construction  and 
other  industries  and  of  losses  through  fire  and  through 
traffic  accidents;  advancement  of  commercial  arbitration; 
development  of  farmers'  cooperatives  for  the  more  eco- 
nomical and  stable  marketing  of  farm  produce;  and  in 
general  the  elimination  of  waste  due  to  lost  motion  and 
material  throughout  our  whole  economic  fabric. 

All  this  represents  a  movement  as  important  as  that  of 
twenty  years  ago  for  the  regulation  of  corporations  and  con- 
servation of  our  natural  resources.  This  effort  for  conser- 
vation of  use  of  materials  and  conservation  of  energy  in 
which  our  whole  country  has  engaged  during  these  five 
years  has  been  in  no  small  part  responsible  for  the  rich  re- 
ward in  the  increasing  comfort  and  living  standards  of  the 
people.  But  in  addition  to  bringing  about  a  condition  in 
which  the  Government  debt  is  being  rapidly  liquidated 
while  at  the  same  time  taxes  are  greatly  reduced,  capital 
has  become  abundant  and  prosperity  reigns.  The  most  re- 
markable results  of  economy  and  the  elimination  of  waste 
are  shown  in  the  wage  and  commodity  indexes.  In  1920 
wages  were  about  100  per  cent  above  the  pre-war  rates  and 
the  average  wholesale  price  of  commodities  was  about  120 
per  cent  above  the  pre-war  rates.  A  steady  increase  in  the 
wage  index  took  place,  so  that  during  the  last  year  it  was 
120  per  cent  above  the  pre-war  rate.  As  the  cost  of  our 
production  is  so  largely  a  matter  of  wages,  and  as  tax  re- 
turns show  that  for  the  last  year  profits  were  ample,  it 
would  naturally  have  been  expected  that  the  prices  of  com- 
modities would  have  increased.    Yet  during  this  period  the 


average  wholesale  price  level  of  commodities  declined  from 
120  per  cent  above  the  pre-war  level  that  it  was  in  1920, 
to  only  57  per  cent  above  the  pre-war  level  in  1925.  Thus, 
as  a  result  of  greater  economy  and  efficiency,  and  the  elim- 
ination of  waste  in  the  conduct  of  the  National  Govern- 
ment and  of  the  business  of  the  country,  prices  went  down 
while  wages  went  up.  The  wage  earner  receives  more, 
while  the  dollar  of  the  consumer  will  purchase  more.  The 
significance  and  importance  of  this  result  can  not  be  over- 

This  is  real  and  solid  progress.  No  one  can  deny  that  it 
represents  an  increase  in  national  efficiency.  It  must  be 
maintained.  Great  as  the  accomplishments  have  been, 
they  are  yet  but  partly  completed.  We  need  further  im- 
provement in  transportation  facilities  by  development  of 
inland  waterways;  we  need  railroad  consolidations;  we 
need  further  improvement  of  our  railway  terminals  for 
more  economical  distribution  of  commodities  in  the  great 
congested  centers;  we  need  reorganization  of  Government 
departments;  we  need  still  larger  extension  of  electrifica- 
tion; in  general,  we  need  still  further  effort  against  all  the 
various  categories  of  waste  which  the  Department  of  Com- 
merce has  enumerated  and  so  actively  attacked,  for  in  this 
direction  lies  not  only  increased  economic  progress  but  the 
maintenance  of  that  progress  against  foreign  competition. 
There  is  still  plenty  of  work  for  business  to  do. 

By  these  wise  policies,  pursued  with  tremendous  eco- 
nomic effort,  our  country  has  reached  its  present  prosper- 
ous condition.  The  people  have  been  willing  to  work  be- 
cause they  have  had  something  to  work  for.  The  per  capita 
production  has  greatly  increased.  Out  of  our  surplus  sav- 
ings we  have  been  able  to  advance  great  sums  for  re- 
financing the  Old  World  and  developing  the  New.  While 
Europe  has  attracted  more  public  attention,  Latin  America, 
Japan,  and  even  Australia,  have  been  very  large  participa- 



tors  in  these  loans.    If  rightly  directed,  they  ought  to  be  of 

benefit  to  both  lender  and  borrower.  If  used  to  establish 
industry  and  support  commerce  abroad,  through  adding  to 
the  wealth  and  productive  capacity  of  those  countries,  they 
create  their  own  security  and  increase  consuming  power 
to  the  probable  advantage  of  our  trade.  But  when  used  in 
ways  that  are  not  productive,  like  the  maintenance  of  great 
military  establishments  or  to  meet  municipal  expenditures 
which  should  either  be  eliminated  by  government  economy 
or  supplied  by  taxation,  they  do  not  appear  to  serve  a  useful 
purpose  and  ought  to  be  discouraged.  Our  bankers  have  a 
great  deal  of  responsibility  in  relation  to  the  soundness  of 
these  loans  when  they  undertake  to  invest  the  savings  of 
our  country  abroad.  I  should  regret  very  much  to  see  our 
possession  of  resources  which  are  available  to  meet  needs  in 
other  countries  be  the  cause  of  any  sentiment  of  envy  or 
unfriendliness  toward  us.  It  ought  everywhere  to  be  wel- 
comed with  rejoicing  and  considered  as  a  part  of  the  good 
fortune  of  the  entire  world  that  such  an  economic  reservoir 
exists  here  which  can  be  made  available  in  case  of  need. 

Everyone  knows  that  it  was  our  resources  that  saved 
Europe  from  a  complete  collapse  immediately  following  the 
armistice.  Without  the  benefit  of  our  credit  an  appalling 
famine  would  have  prevailed  over  great  areas.  In  accord- 
ance with  the  light  of  all  past  history,  disorder  and  revolu- 
tion, with  the  utter  breaking, down  of  all  legal  restraints 
and  the  loosing  of  all  the  passions  which  had  been  aroused 
by  four  years  of  conflict,  would  have  rapidly  followed. 
Others  did  what  they  could,  and  no  doubt  made  larger 
proportionate  sacrifices,  but  it  was  the  credits  and  food 
which  we  supplied  that  saved  the  situation. 

When  the  work  of  restoring  the  fiscal  condition  of  Eu- 
rope began,  it  was  accomplished  again  with  our  assistance. 
When  Austria  determined  to  put  her  financial  house  in 
order,  we  furnished  a  part  of  the  capital.    When  Germany 


sought  to  establish  a  sound  fiscal  condition,  we  again  con- 
tributed a  large  proportion  of  the  necessary  gold  loan. 
Without  this,  the  reparations  plan  would  have  utterly  failed. 
Germany  could  not  otherwise  have  paid.  The  armies  of 
occupation  would  have  gone  on  increasing  international 
irritation  and  ill  will.  It  was  our  large  guarantee  of  credit 
that  assisted  Great  Britain  to  return  to  a  gold  basis.  What 
we  have  done  for  France,  Italy,  Belgium,  Czechoslovakia, 
Poland,  and  other  countries,  is  all  a  piece  of  the  same  en- 
deavor. These  efforts  and  accomplishments,  whether  they 
be  appreciated  at  home  or  received  with  gratitude  abroad, 
which  have  been  brought  about  by  the  business  interests  of 
our  country,  constitute  an  enormous  world  service.  Others 
have  made  plans  and  adopted  agreements  for  future  action 
which  hold  a  rank  of  great  importance.  But  when  we 
come  to  the  consideration  of  what  has  been  done,  when  we 
turn  aside  from  what  has  been  promised,  to  examine  what 
has  been  performed,  no  positive  and  constructive  accom- 
plishment of  the  past  five  years  compares  with  the  support 
which  America  has  contributed  to  the  financial  stability  of 
the  world.    It  clearly  marks  a  new  epoch. 

This  holds  a  distinctly  higher  rank  than  a  mere  barter 
and  sale.  It  reaches  above  the  ordinary  business  transac- 
tion into  a  broader  realm.  America  has  disbanded  her 
huge  armies  and  reduced  her  powerful  fleet,  but  in  at- 
tempting to  deal  justly  through  the  sharing  of  our  financial 
resources  we  have  done  more  for  peace  than  we  could  have 
done  with  all  our  military  power.  Peace,  we  know,  rests 
to  a  great  extent  upon  justice,  but  it  is  very  difficult  for 
the  public  mind  to  divorce  justice  from  economic  oppor- 
tunity. The  problem  for  which  we  have  been  attempting 
a  solution  is  in  the  first  instance  to  place  the  people  of  the 
earth  back  into  avenues  of  profitable  employment.  It 
was  necessary  to  restore  hope,  to  renew  courage.  A  great 
contribution  to  this  end  has  been  made  with   American 


money.  The  work  is  not  all  done  yet.  No  doubt  it  will 
develop  that  this  has  not  been  accomplished  without  some 
mistakes,  but  the  important  fact  remains  that  when  the 
world  needed  to  be  revived  we  did  respond.  As  nations  see 
their  way  to  a  safer  economic  existence,  they  will  see  their 
way  to  a  more  peaceful  existence.  Possessed  of  the  means 
to  meet  personal  and  public  obligations,  people  are  re- 
establishing their  self-respect.  The  financial  strength  of 
America  has  contributed  to  the  spiritual  restoration  of  the 
world.    It  has  risen  into  the  domain  of  true  business. 

Accompanying  these  efforts  to  assist  in  rehabilitation 
have  lately  come  the  negotiations  for  the  settlement  of  our 
foreign  debts.  Ten  nations  have  already  made  settlements 
for  $6,383,411,669  of  these  debts,  exclusive  of  accrued  in- 
terest. The  principal  sums  and  interest  which  have  been 
funded  and  are  to  be  paid  to  the  United  States  aggregate 
$15,056,486,000.  There  remain  nine  nations,  with  debts 
in  the  principal  amount  of  $3,673,342,362,  which  have  not 
yet  been  settled.  Of  the  nine  nations,  France  represents 
$3,340,000,000,  Greece  $15,000,000,  and  Yugoslavia  $51,- 
000,000.  Of  the  remaining  six,  Rumania  is  now  negotiat- 
ing a  settlement,  Nicaragua  is  paying  currently,  and  a  mora- 
torium for  twenty  years  has  been  granted  Austria  by  act  of 
Congress.  Armenia  has  ceased  to  exist  as  a  nation,  the 
Government  of  Russia  has  not  been  recognized,  and  Liberia 
owes  but  $26,000. 

It  has  been  the  belief  of  the  Government  that  no  per- 
manent stabilization  of  European  finances  and  European 
currency  can  be  accomplished  without  a  definite  adjustment 
of  these  obligations.  While  we  realize  that  it  is  for  our 
advantage  to  have  these  debts  paid,  it  is  also  realized 
that  it  is  greatly  for  the  advantage  of  our  debtors  to  have 
them  finally  liquidated.  We  created  these  values  and  sent 
them  abroad  in  a  period  of  about  two  years.  We  are  extend- 
ing the  time  for  their  return  over  a  term  of  sixty-two  years. 


While  settlements  already  made  and  ratified  by  Congress, 
and  those  which  will  be  presented  for  ratification,  are  very 
generous,  I  believe  they  will  be  alike  beneficial  to  ourselves 
and  the  countries  concerned.  They  maintain  the  principle 
of  the  integrity  of  international  obligations.  They  help 
foreign  governments  to  reestablish  their  fiscal  operations 
and  will  contribute  to  the  economic  recovery  of  their  people. 
They  will  assist  both  in  the  continuance  of  friendly  rela- 
tions, which  are  always  jeopardized  by  unsettled  differences, 
and  the  mutual  improvement  of  trade  opportunities  by  in- 
creasing the  prosperity  of  the  countries  involved. 

The  working  out  of  these  problems  of  regulation,  Govern- 
ment economy,  the  elimination  of  waste  in  the  use  of  hu- 
man effort  and  of  materials,  conservation  and  the  proper 
investment  of  our  savings  both  at  home  and  abroad,  is  all 
a  part  of  the  mighty  task  which  was  imposed  upon  man- 
kind of  subduing  the  earth.  America  must  either  perform 
her  full  share  in  the  accomplishment  of  this  great  world 
destiny  or  fail.  For  almost  three  centuries  we  were  intent 
upon  our  domestic  development.  We  sought  the  help  of 
the  people  and  the  wealth  of  other  lands  by  which  to  in- 
crease our  numerical  strength  and  augment  our  national 
fortune.  We  have  grown  exceedingly  great  in  population 
and  in  riches.  This  power  and  this  prosperity  we  can  con- 
tinue for  ourselves  if  we  will  but  proceed  with  moderation. 
If  our  people  will  but  use  those  resources  which  have  been 
intrusted  to  them,  whether  of  command  over  large  num- 
bers of  men  or  of  command  over  large  investments  of  cap- 
ital, not  selfishly  but  generously,  not  to  exploit  others  but 
to  serve  others,  there  will  be  no  doubt  of  an  increasing  pro- 
duction and  distribution  of  wealth. 

All  of  these  efforts  represent  the  processes  of  reducing 
our  domestic  and  foreign  relations  to  a  system  of  law. 
They  consist  of  a  determination  of  clear  and  definite  rules 
of  action.    It  is  a  civilizing  and  humanizing  method  adopted 



by  means  of  conference,  discussion,  deliberation,  and  deter- 
mination. If  it  is  to  have  any  continuing  success,  or  any 
permanent  value,  it  will  be  because  it  has  not  been  brought 
about  by  one  will  compelling  another  by  force,  but  has  re- 
sulted from  men  reasoning  together.  It  has  sought  to  re- 
move compulsion  from  the  business  life  of  the  country  and 
from  our  relationship  with  other  nations.  It  has  sought  to 
bestow  a  greater  freedom  upon  our  own  people  and  upon 
the  people  of  the  world.  We  have  worshiped  the  ideals  of 
force  long  enough.  We  have  turned  to  worship  at  the  true 
shrine  of  understanding  and  reason. 

In  our  domestic  affairs  we  have  adopted  practical  methods 
for  the  accomplishment  of  our  ideals.  We  have  translated 
our  aspirations  into  appropriate  actions.  We  have  followed 
the  declaration  that  we  believe  in  justice,  by  establishing 
tribunals  that  would  insure  the  administration  of  justice. 
What  we  have  been  able  to  do  in  this  respect  in  relation 
to  the  different  States  of  our  Union,  we  ought  to  encourage 
and  support  in  its  proper  application  in  relation  to  the  dif- 
ferent nations  of  the  world.  With  our  already  enormous 
and  constantly  increasing  interests  abroad,  there  are  con- 
stantly accumulating  reasons  why  we  should  signify  our 
adherence  to  the  Permanent  Court  of  International  Justice. 
Mindful  of  our  determination  to  avoid  all  interference  in 
the  political  affairs,  which  do  not  concern  us,  of  other  na- 
tions, I  can  think  of  no  more  reassuring  action  than  the 
declaration  of  America  that  it  will  whole-heartedly  join 
with  others  in  the  support  of  the  tribunal  for  the  admin- 
istration of  international  justice  which  they  have  created. 
I  can  conceive  of  nothing  that  we  could  do,  which  involves 
assuming  so  few  obligations  on  our  part,  that  would  be 
likely  to  prove  of  so  much  value  to  the  world.  Beyond  its 
practical  effect,  which  might  be  somewhat  small,  it  would 
have  a  sentimental  effect  which  would  be  tremendous.  It 
would  be  public  notice  that  the  enormous  influences  of  our 


country  were  to  be  cast  upon  the  side  of  the  enlightening 
processes  of  civilization.  It  would  be  the  beginning  of  a 
new  world  spirit. 

This  is  the  land  of  George  Washington.  We  can  do  no 
less  than  work  toward  the  realization  of  his  hope.  It  ought 
to  be  our  ambition  to  see  the  institutions  which  he  founded 
grow  in  the  blessings  which  they  bestow  upon  our  own 
citizens  and  increase  in  the  good  which  their  influence 
casts  upon  all  the  world.  He  did  not  hesitate  to  meet  peril 
or  encounter  danger  or  make  sacrifices.  There  is  no  cause 
which  can  be  supported  by  any  other  methods.  We  can 
not  listen  to  the  counsels  of  perfection ;  we  can  not  pursue 
a  timorous  policy;  we  can  not  avoid  the  obligations  of  a 
common  humanity.  We  must  meet  our  perils;  we  must 
encounter  our  dangers ;  we  must  make  our  sacrifices ;  or  his- 
tory will  recount  that  the  works  of  Washington  have  failed. 
I  do  not  believe  the  future  is  to  be  dismayed  by  that  rec- 
ord. The  truth  and  faith  and  justice  of  the  ancient  days 
have  not  departed  from  us. 



America  is  not  without  a  true  nobility,  but  it  is 
not  supported  by  privilege.    It  rests  on  worth. 


No  one  can  travel  across  the  vast  area  that  lies  between 
the  Alleghenies  and  the  Rockies  without  being  thoroughly 
impressed  with  the  enormous  expansion  of  American  agri- 
culture. Other  sections  of  our  country,  acre  for  acre,  are 
just  as  important  and  just  as  productive,  but  it  is  in  this 
region  that  the  cultivation  of  the  land  holds  its  most  domi- 
nant position.  It  is  to  serve  the  farmers  of  this  great  open 
country  that  teeming  cities  have  arisen,  great  stretches  of 
navigation  have  been  opened,  a  mighty  network  of  railways 
has  been  constructed,  a  fast  increasing  mileage  of  highways 
has  been  laid  out,  and  modern  inventions  have  stretched 
their  lines  of  communication  among  all  the  various  com- 
munities and  into  nearly  every  home.  Agriculture  holds 
a  position  in  this  country  that  it  was  never  before  able  to 
secure  anywhere  else  on  earth. 

It  is  the  development  which  has  taken  place  within  this 
area,  mostly  within  the  last  seventy-five  years,  which  has 
given  agriculture  a  new  standing  in  the  world.  By  bringing 
the  tillage  of  the  soil  under  a  new  technique  it  has  given  to 
the  people  on  the  farm  a  new  relationship  to  commerce,  in- 
dustry, and  society.  The  ownership  of  land  has  always  been 
a  mark  of  privilege  and  distinction,  but  in  other  times  and 
places  the  laborious  effort  of  farming,  the  hard  work  of 
cultivating  the  soil — which  was  done  almost  entirely  by 
hand — the  comparative  isolation  of  rural  existence,  was 
traditionally  an  unattractive  life  assigned  to  the  serf  and 
the  uncultured  peasant.    It  still  partakes  of  that  nature  in 

Address  before  the  annual  convention  of  the  American  Farm  Bureau 
Federation,  Chicago,  111.,  December  7,  1925. 



most  countries.  But  in  America  the  farm  has  long  since 
ceased  to  be  associated  with  a  mode  of  life  that  could  be 
called  rustic.  It  has  become  a  great  industrial  enterprise, 
requiring  a  broad  knowledge  in  its  management,  a  technical 
skill  in  its  labor,  intricate  machinery  in  its  processes,  and 
trained  merchandising  in  its  marketings.  Agriculture  in 
America  has  been  raised  to  the  rank  of  a  profession.  It 
does  not  draw  any  artificial  support  from  industry  or  from 
the  Government.  It  rests  squarely  on  a  foundation  of  its 
own.    It  is  independent. 

The  place  which  agriculture  holds  to-day  in  this  country, 
superior  to  that  which  it  ever  held  before  in  time  of  peace 
in  this  or  any  other  land,  is  by  reason  of  its  very  eminence 
one  of  increasing  exactions  and  difficulties.  It  does  not  re- 
quire much  talent  or  any  great  foresight  to  live  on  an  in- 
ferior scale,  limited  and  impoverished,  nor  does  it  evoke 
much  eulogy,  but  to  maintain  freedom  and  independence, 
to  rise  in  the  economic  scale  to  the  ownership  and  profitable 
management  of  a  great  property  amid  all  the  perils  of  our 
competitive  life,  requires  a  high  degree  of  industry  and 
ability.  Those  who  achieve  that  position  in  a  community 
will  always  be  entitled  to  the  highest  commendation.  What- 
ever other  obstacles  the  American  people  have  had  to  meet 
and  overcome,  of  every  station  in  life,  they  have  never 
permitted  themselves  to  be  hampered  by  a  condition  of  de- 
pendence. As  what  they  have  had  was  secured  not  by 
favor  or  by  bounty,  but  by  their  own  efforts,  no  one  else 
has  had  any  power  to  deprive  them  of  it.  Unencumbered 
by  any  special  artificial  support,  they  have  -stood  secure  on 
their  own  foundation.  America  is  not  without  a  true  no- 
bility, but  it  is  not  supported  by  urivilege.  It  rests  on 

It  is  our  farm  life  that  is  particularly  representative  of 
this  standard  of  American  citizenship.  It  is  made  up  of 
many  different  types  and  races;  it  includes  many  different 



modes  of  thought  and  living.  Stretching  from  the  North, 
with  its  months  of  frost,  to  the  Gulf,  with  its  perpetual 
summer,  it  embraces  a  wide  variety  of  production.  But  it  is 
all  a  partaker  of  the  same  high  measure  of  achievement  and 
character.  It  rises  in  its  importance  above  the  products  of 
the  land  and  puts  a  stamp  of  its  own  upon  the  quality  of  our 
people.  It  is  not  merely  for  a  supply  of  food  that  we  look 
to  the  farms,  but  as  a  never-failing  source,  if  others  be- 
come exhausted,  from  which  we  can  always  replenish  the 
manhood  and  womanhood  of  the  Nation.  It  is  for  this 
reason  that  our  whole  country  entertains  the  greatest  solici- 
tude for  the  welfare  of  the  people  who  make  up  our  agri- 
cultural population.  The  importance  of  their  continued 
success  and  progress  can  not  be  overestimated.  It  affects 
not  only  the  material  prosperity  but  reaches  beyond  that 
into  the  moral  and  spiritual  life  of  America. 

It  was  the  people  of  this  stamp  and  character  who  were 
mainly  instrumental  in  founding  American  institutions.  It 
was  well  on  into  the  nineteenth  century  before  the  great 
industrial  development  of  our  country  began.  In  the  old 
days  there  were  some  professional  men  and  there  were  the 
clergy  who  exercised  in  a  high  degree  an  inspired  leadership 
not  only  in  the  religious  and  educational,  but  to  a  marked 
extent  in  the  political,  life  of  their  day.  But  the  people 
were  of  the  farm.  Their  living  came  from  the  soil.  Their 
sturdy  industry,  their  determination  to  be  free,  resulted  in 
no  small  part  from  their  occupation  and  mode  of  life. 
Wherever  there  is  a  farm,  there  is  the  greatest  opportunity 
for  a  true  home.  It  was  the  loyalty  and  perseverance  bred 
of  the  home  life  of  the  American  farmer  that  supported 
Washington  through  seven  years  of  conflict  and  provided 
the  necessary  self-restraint  to  translate  his  victory  into  the 
abiding  institutions  of  freedom.  It  is  the  spirit  of  those 
homes  that  our  country  must  forever  cherish. 

But  the  gratitude  of  America,  and  I  think  of  the  whole 


world,  is  due  not  only  to  "the  embattled  farmers"  who  stood 
at  Concord  bridge  and  "fired  the  shot  heard  round  the 
world/'  but  to  those  tillers  of  the  soil  of  the  great  prairie 
States,  prophets  and  pioneers  of  freedom,  who  rose  to 
power  in  time  to  make  it  possible  for  Lincoln  to  save  the 
Union,  and  also  to  the  informed,  improved,  and  well- 
equipped  agriculture  of  our  own  day,  which,  while  giving 
generously  of  their  own  manhood  and  womanhood,  put  forth 
those  stupendous  efforts  which  provided  food,  cotton,  wool, 
and  other  materials  that  turned  the  tide  for  the  cause  of 
liberty  in  the  Great  War.  It  is  the  existence  of  this  su- 
perb power,  both  of  resources  and  of  people,  which  has  its 
home  in  the  great  open  country,  that  has  made  possible  not 
only  the  independence  and  freedom  of  our  own  land  and  the 
extension  of  liberty  throughout  the  world,  but  has  furnished 
the  foundation  on  which  has  been  built  the  great  expansion 
in  the  industrial  and  commercial  life  of  the  Nation.  Our 
statesmanship  can  be  dedicated  to  no  more  worthy  purpose 
than  the  perpetuation  of  this  high  standard  of  American 
farm  life. 

All  of  these  results  would  appear  to  lead  to  the  inevitable 
conclusion  that  to  a  very  large  extent  the  underlying  sup- 
port to  the  strength  and  character  and  greatness  of  America 
has  been  furnished  by  the  strength  and  character  and  great- 
ness of  its  agriculture.  Our  country  has  been  developed 
under  the  influence  of  a  new  spirit.  In  the  early  beginnings 
of  organized  society  the  main  form  of  wealth  which  was 
plentiful  consisted  of  land.  It  was  almost  the  sole  source 
of  production.  Always  in  theory,  and  usually  in  practice, 
all  land  belonged  to  the  Crown.  It  was  the  custom  for  the 
ruler  to  bestow  upon  his  retainers  not  only  landed  estates, 
but  to  provide  in  addition  the  serfs  who  were  attached  to 
the  soil,  in  order  that  they  might  supply  the  necessary 
labor  for  its  productivity.  The  workers  in  the  field  were 
held  in  servitude,  while  their  masters  usually  lived  many 


miles  from  the  land,  sometimes  in  their  castles,  sometimes  in 
towns  and  cities.  This  was  the  established  condition  all 
over  the  Old  World.  The  position  of  the  country  thus  be- 
came stationary.  It  was  in  the  cities  and  towns,  where 
opportunity  came  for  exchange  of  ideas  and  educational 
advancement,  that  there  started  that  progress  toward  free- 
dom and  self-government  which  marked  the  beginning  of 
the  modern  age.  The  importance  of  the  cities  and  towns 
became  predominant.  Even  after  freedom  was  granted  to 
the  serfs,  the  tillers  of  the  soil  never  became  a  great  in- 
fluence. Their  interests  were  always  subordinated  to  the 
stronger,  more  aggressive  life  of  the  industrial  population 
and  of  the  ruling  classes. 

But  America  never  fully  came  under  this  blighting  in- 
fluence. It  was  a  different  type  of  individual  that  formed 
the  great  bulk  of  our  early  settlers.  They  gained  their 
livelihood  by  cultivating  the  soil,  but  there  was  no  large 
and  overmastering  city  or  industrial  population.  The  ex- 
pansion of  our  country  down  to  almost  as  late  as  1880  was 
an  agricultural  expansion.  A  large  majority  of  our  in- 
habitants were  engaged  in  that  occupation.  They  not 
only  tilled  the  soil,  but  they  owned  it.  They  not  only 
directed  the  Government,  but  they  made  it.  The  fertile 
lands  and  generous  homestead  laws  under  American  insti- 
tutions all  worked  together  to  produce  an  entirely  new  posi- 
tion of  place  and  power  for  agriculture.  When  there  was 
added  to  this  the  marvelous  inventions  of  farm  machinery 
which  have  come  into  modern  life,  it  made  it  possible  to 
establish  here  the  first  agricultural  empire  which  did  not 
rest  upon  an  oppressed  peasantry.  This  was  a  stupendous 

Following  this  came  the  vast  business  growth  which 
brought  great  changes.  The  town  and  industrial  popula- 
tion for  the  first  time  began  to  exceed  that  of  the  farms. 
From  the  surplus  of  food  products  requiring  foreign  markets 


we  began  to  reach  something  like  a  balance  between  do- 
mestic production  and  consumption.  Before  1910,  so  wise 
a  man  as  James  J.  Hill  expressed  the  opinion  that  in  the 
near  future  we  should  be  importers  of  wheat. 

Under  normal  conditions  Mr.  Hill  might  have  been  cor- 
rect, but  the  World  War  intervened.  The.  enormous  de- 
mand from  abroad  brought  the  high  prices  which  so  stimu- 
lated production  that  it  reached  a  new  record  in  amount 
and  value.  Without  this  service,  famine  undoubtedly  would 
have  prevailed  over  wide  areas.  This  resulted  in  a  great 
inflation  and  in  an  overproduction,  reaching  its  summit 
in  1919,  which  was  followed  by  the  inevitable  deflation  of 

1920  and  1921.  The  best  economic  authority  tells  us  this 
was  inevitable.  Whether  it  was  or  not,  it  came.  It  af- 
flicted both  agriculture  and  industry.  The  values  of  manu- 
facturing plants  and  their  stocks  on  hand  went  down,  their 
orders  were  canceled,  their  operations  ceased,  and  the  buy- 
ing capacity  of  their  wage  earners  being  greatly  reduced, 
the  consumption  of  food  products  declined,  causing  a  fall 
in  prices  that  reached  back  to  the  farm.  The  resulting 
losses  have  never  been  fully  recovered  either  in  industry  or 
agriculture,  but  starting  from  the  low  point  of  1920  and 

1921  both  have  made  progress  and  from  every  indication 
appear  to  be  entering  an  era  of  prosperity. 

It  has  seemed  to  me  desirable  to  consider  thus  briefly  the 
development  of  our  American  agriculture,  in  order  that  by 
a  better  understanding  of  the  method  of  its  progress  and 
the  position  it  now  holds  we  may  better  comprehend  its 
needs  and  better  estimate  what  the  future  promises  for  it. 
Everyone  knows  that  the  farmer,  who  is  often  least  able 
to  bear  it,  went  through  the  most  drastic  deflation.  Con- 
sidered as  a  whole,  his  position  has  steadily  improved  since 
1921.  I  do  not  mean  that  land  values  or  prices  have  reached 
their  former  level.  That  was  not  to  be  expected.  But  I 
do  mean  that,  generally  speaking,  the  present  business  of 


farming  as  a  whole  is  beginning  to  be  profitable.  Of  course 
there  are  exceptions  to  be  made  of  localities,  individuals, 
and  crops.  Some  people  would  grow  poor  on  a  mountain  of 
gold,  while  others  would  make  a  good  living  on  a  rock.  We 
can  not  bend  our  course  to  meet  the  exceptions;  we  must 
treat  agriculture  as  a  whole,  and  if,  as  a  whole,  it  can  be 
placed  in  a  prosperous  condition  the  exceptions  will  tend 
to  eliminate  themselves. 

There  have  been  discussions  which  seem  to  indicate  some 
fear  that  our  agriculture  is  becoming  decadent,  that  it  has 
already  reached  its  highest  point,  and  that,  becoming  un- 
profitable, it  is  likely  to  diminish.  Nothing  in  the  appear- 
ance of  the  country  or  of  its  people  as  I  have  traveled 
over  it  has  seemed  to  indicate  any  deterioration,  nor  do  I 
find  anything  in  the  farm  census  and  reports  that  warrants 
this  conclusion. 

It  is  true  that  there  is  an  increasing  interchange  of  popu- 
lation between  the  city  and  the  country.  With  the  coming 
of  the  automobile  many  of  the  city  people  are  moving  out 
into  the  country,  and  with  the  increasing  use  of  machinery 
some  of  those  formerly  employed  on  the  farm  have  been 
released  for  employment  in  the  industries.  For  the  past 
fifteen  years  urban  population  has  been  increasing,  while 
farm  population  and  the  number  of  farms  have  slightly  de- 
creased. This  has  reversed  the  condition  that  existed  be- 
fore that  period.    But  this  is  only  a  part  of  the  story. 

The  real  question  is  not  the  numbers  employed  but  the 
amount  of  production.  If  that  should  appear  to  be  inade- 
quate to  meet  our  requirements  for  food  and  raw  materials, 
if  the  morale  of  the  farmers  should  be  breaking  down,  the 
situation  might  be  serious.  Such  does  not  appear  to  be 
the  fact.  In  intelligence,  in  education,  in  the  general  stand- 
ards of  living,  farm  life  was  never  so  well  equipped  as  it  is  to- 
day. In  the  past  forty-five  years,  which  roughly  marks  our 
great  industrial  development,  the  index  number  of  produc- 


tion  rose  from  100  to  237,  while  that  for  population  is  esti- 
mated to  be  but  226.  Production  has  outrun  population, 
according  to  the  statistics  of  the  Harvard  Service.  While 
the  number  of  farms  and  people  engaged  in  farming  was 
slightly  less  in  1924  than  in  1910,  production  in  1923  and 
1924  was  15  per  cent  greater  than  in  1910.  Fewer  people 
but  more  production  means  each  person  on  the  farm  will 
receive  more. 

It  is  not  only  production,  however,  but  price  that  is 
important  to  the  farmer.  The  value  of  his  produce  for 
1924,  excluding  crops  fed  to  animals,  was  about  $12,136,- 
000,000.  The  estimates  for  the  present  year  are  about  the 
same.  This  compares  with  $3,549,000,000  in  1900.  Accord- 
ing to  estimates,  the  number  of  people  on  farms  in  1924 
was  about  10  per  cent  greater  than  in  1900.  The  amount  of 
money  received  was  about  350  per  cent  greater.  But  as  the 
general  price  level  of  all  commodities  had  greatly  advanced, 
measured  in  purchasing  power  the  amount  received  was 
only  about  90  per  cent  greater.  This  means  that  110  per 
cent  of  people  engaged  in  agriculture  received  190  per  cent 
more  in  1924  than  they  did  in  1900.  While  it  is  true  that 
there  was  a  great  decline  in  farm  prices  in  1920  and  1921, 
and  an  even  greater  decline  in  the  purchasing  power  of  farm 
produce  compared  with  other  commodities,  yet  since  that 
time  farm  prices  have  risen  more  rapidly  than  other  com- 
modities, so  that  the  purchasing  power  of  farm  produce  has 
risen  also.  The  tendency  appears  to  be  to  bring  agriculture 
as  a  whole  back  to  the  same  relative  economic  position  that 
it  occupied  before  the  war.  While  general  production, 
prices,  and  living  conditions  on  the  farm'  are  improving, 
there  is  little  ground  for  fear  that  agriculture  is  becoming 
decadent;  yet  some  areas  are  still  depressed;  debts  and 
taxes  still  remain. 

Although  it  is  gratifying  to  know  that  farm  conditions 
as  a  whole  are  encouraging,  yet  we  ought  not  to  cease  our 



efforts  for  their  constant  improvement.  We  can  not  claim 
that  they  have  reached  perfection  anywhere,  and  in  too 
many  instances  there  is  still  much  distress.  Various  sug- 
gestions of  artificial  relief  have  been  made.  Production  has 
been  ample,  but  prices  compared  with  the  war  era  have  been 
very  much  reduced,  although  they  are  now  considerably  im- 
proved. The  proposals  made  have,  therefore,  had  the  pur- 
pose of  increasing  prices. 

One  of  the  methods  by  which  this  has  been  sought, 
though  put  forward  chiefly  as  an  emergency  measure  as 
I  understand  from  its  proponents,  was  to  have  corporations 
organized  through  which  the  Government  would  directly 
or  indirectly  fix  prices  or  engage  in  buying  and  selling  farm 
produce.  This  would  be  a  dangerous  undertaking,  and  as 
the  emergency  is  not  so  acute,  it  seems  at  present  to  have 
lost  much  of  its  support.  No  matter  how  it  is  disguised, 
the  moment  the  Government  engages  in  buying  and  selling, 
by  that  act  it  is  fixing  prices.  Moreover,  it  would  appar- 
ently destroy  cooperative  associations  and  all  other  market- 
ing machinery,  for  no  one  can  compete  with  the  Govern- 
ment. Ultimately  it  would  end  the  independence  which  the 
farmers  of  this  country  enjoy  as  a  result  of  centuries  of 
struggle  and  prevent  the  exercise  of  their  own  judgment 
and  control  in  cultivating  their  land  and  marketing  their 

Government  control  can  not  be  divorced  from  political 
control.  The  overwhelming  interest  of  the  consumer,  not 
the  smaller  interest  of  the  producer,  would  be  sure  to  domi- 
nate in  the  end.  I  am  reliably  informed  that  the  secretary 
of  agriculture  of  a  great  foreign  power  has  recently  fixed 
the  wages  of  farm  labor  in  his  country  at  less  than  $5  per 
week.  The  government  price  is  not  always  a  high  price. 
Unless  we  fix  correspoding  prices  for  other  commodities, 
a  high  fixed  price  for  agriculture  would  simply  stimulate 
overproduction  that  would  end  in  complete  collapse.    How- 


ever  attractive  this  proposal  was  at  first  thought,  careful 
consideration  of  it  has  led  to  much  opposition  on  the  part 
of  the  farmers.  They  realize  that  even  the  United  States 
Government  is  not  strong  enough,  either  directly  or  in- 
directly, to  fix  prices  which  would  constantly  guarantee 
success.  They  are  opposed  to  submitting  themselves  to 
the  control  of  a  great  Government  bureaucracy.  They  pre- 
fer the  sound  policy  of  maintaining  their  freedom  and  their 
own  initiative  as  individuals,  or  to  limit  them  only  as  they 
voluntarily  form  group  associations.  They  do  not  wish 
to  put  the  Government  into  the  farming  business. 

Others  have  thought  that  the  tariff  rates  were  unfavor- 
able to  the  farmer.  If  this  should  be  a  fact,  it  ought  to  be 
corrected.  Let  us  examine  our  imports.  Last  year  their 
gross  value  was  $3,610,000,000,  but  $2,080,000,000,  or  57%0 
per  cent,  came  in  wholly  free  of  duty.  This  free  list  was 
constructed  especially  to  favor  the  farmer,  and  contains 
more  than  50  articles  which  he  purchases,  like  fertilizer, 
leather  harnesses,  farm  machinery,  coffee,  binder  twine, 
barbed  wire,  and  gasoline. 

Of  the  $1,530,000,000  of  goods  paying  imports,  $780,- 
000,000  was  upon  agricultural  products,  levied  solely  to 
protect  the  farmer,  including  animal  and  dairy  products, 
grain,  flax,  wool,  sugar,  nuts,  citrus  fruits,  and  many  others. 
If  any  farmer  wants  to  get  an  accurate  and  full  list  of  his 
products  which  are  protected  and  his  purchases  which  come 
in  free,  let  him  go  to  his  public  library  and  consult  Official 
Document  No.  33,  comparing  the  last  three  tariff  acts. 
Thus  80  per  cent  of  our  imports  either  come  in  free  or  pay 
a  duty  to  protect  the  farmer.  This  must  be  further  in- 
creased by  $250,000,000  more  of  imported  luxuries  like 
diamonds,  fine  rugs,  silks,  cut  glass,  jewelry,  and  mahogany. 
These  items  can  not  affect  the  prosperity  of  the  farmer. 
This  brings  the  total  of  imports  up  to  88  per  cent  which 
are  either  free,  or  luxuries,  or  protected  to  help  the  farmer, 


and  leaves  only  12  per  cent  of  our  imports  upon  which  the 
agricultural  industry  pays  any  part  of  the  tariff. 

But,  on  the  other  hand,  our  industrial  and  city  popula- 
tion pays  the  tariff  on  the  $780,000,000  worth  of  agricul- 
tural imports  and  also  participates  in  the  $500,000,000 
worth  of  imports  outside  of  luxuries.  While  the  farmer 
pays  part  of  the  duties  on  12  per  cent  of  our  imports  which 
do  not  benefit  him,  industry  and  commerce  pay  part  of 
the  duty  on  36  per  cent  of  the  imports  which  do  not  benefit 

But  if  we  take  all  that  the  farmer  buys  for  his  household 
and  farm  operation  and  subtract  from  it  articles  dutiable 
to  protect  the  farmer,  the  free  list,  and  luxuries,  we  should 
have  left  less  than  10  per  cent  of  his  expenditures.  This 
means  that  less  than  10  per  cent  of  farm  purchases  are  at 
an  increased  cost  which  is  adverse  to  the  farmer.  Admitting 
that  the  price  of  these  purchases  is  increased  by  the  full 
amount  of  the  duty,  this  means  that  the  total  adverse  cost 
to  the  farmer  on  account  of  the  tariff  is  only  between  2  per 
cent  and  3  per  cent  of  his  purchases. 

Many  economists  consider  that  even  this  calculation  as 
to  the  contribution  of  our  farmers  to  the  tariff  is  overesti- 
mated. As  their  expenditures  include  many  items  for  labor 
and  service  on  which  there  is  no  duty,  the  proportion  of 
total  expenditure  on  dutiable  articles  outside  the  three  lists 
above  mentioned  is  not  10  per  cent,  but  only  3  per  cent  or 
4  per  cent  of  his  total  expenditures.  Thus,  even  assuming 
that  the  farmer  pays  tariff  on  this  ratio  of  goods,  his  ex- 
penditures would  only  be  increased  by  one-third  of  3  per 
cent  or  4  per  cent,  or  not  over  1%  per  cent. 

On  the  other  side,  protection  is  a  great  benefit  to  agri- 
culture as  a  whole.  The  $780,000,000  of  agricultural  prod- 
uce imported  last  year  had  to  pay  $260,000,000  for  the 
privilege  of  coming  in  to  compete  with  our  own  farm  pro- 
duction.   If  these  were  admitted  free  of  duty,  they  would 


no  doubt  greatly  increase  in  volume,  reduce  present  farm 
prices,  and  result  in  much  lower  standards  of  living  on  our 
farms.  We  are  also  exporters  as  well  as  importers.  Protec- 
tion greatly  aids  diversification  and  so  eliminates  an  un- 
profitable surplus.  Under  our  tariff  our  flax  acreage  has 
increased  from  1,641,000  in  1921  to  3,093,000  in  1925. 
Much  of  this  would  otherwise  have  been  devoted  to  wheat, 
increasing  the  surplus  and  further  demoralizing  that  mar- 
ket. The  same  principle  holds  in  relation  to  sugar,  wool, 
and  other  agricultural  products. 

It  has  been  thought  that  protection  does  not  help  agri- 
cultural products.  Any  study  of  dairy  products,  flax,  wool, 
and  the  many  other  commodities,  will  demonstrate  that  it 
does.  Even  wheat,  where  we  are  exporters,  shows  its  effect. 
If  we  take  Buffalo,  to  secure  a  point  of  common  contact, 
American  No.  1  Dark  Northern  is  25  cents  to  35  cents  higher 
than  Canadian,  No.  2  Dark  Hard  Winter  is  37  cents  to  42 
cents  higher,  and  No.  2  Red  would  be  45  cents  to  46  cents 
higher.  Contract  wheat  for  future  delivery  in  Chicago  has 
been  usually  as  high  as  future  deliveries  in  Liverpool,  al- 
though the  difference  in  freight  is  about  20  cents  a  bushel, 
which  means  that  our  wheat  is  now  about  that  much  above 
world  price  levels.  The  question  is  complicated  with  dif- 
ferent grades  and  qualities,  some  of  which  do  not  show  the 
same  differences. 

But  the  largest  benefits  accruing  to  the  farmer  come 
from  supplying  him  with  home  markets.  What  the  farmer 
raises  must  either  be  sold  at  home  or  sent  abroad.  Our  per 
capita  consumption  of  butter,  sugar,  meats,,  eggs,  milk,  and 
tobacco  is  far  above  those  of  foreign  countries.  When  the 
depression  of  1920  came  and  5,000,000  of  our  wage  earners 
were  unemployed,  their  consumption  of  the  more  expensive 
agricultural  supplies,  such  as  animal  products,  fell  18  per 
cent  below  what  it  had  been  before  and  what  it  became 
again  when  employment  increased.     This  was  more  than 



the  amount  of  our  exports.  Prosperity  in  our  industries  is 
of  more  value  to  the  farmer  than  the  whole  export  market 
for  foodstuffs.  Protection  has  contributed  in  our  country 
to  making  employment  plentiful  with  the  highest  wages 
and  highest  standards  of  living  in  the  world,  which  is  of 
inestimable  benefit  to  both  our  agricultural  and  industrial 
population.  General  economic  stability  is  of  the  utmost 
importance  to  the  farmer,  and  a  depression  in  industry  with 
the  attendant  unemployment  would  do  the  farmer  an  in- 
calculable injury. 

If  the  price  fixing  and  tariff  revision  do  not  seem  to  be 
helpful,  there  are  other  proposals  that  do  promise  improve- 
ments. For  financing  the  farmer  we  are  developing  the 
farm  loan  and  intermediate  credit  banks.  These  have  put 
out  about  $1,200,000,000  of  loans  at  moderate  rates  to  about 
350,000  farmers.  In  addition,  there  is  the  general  banking 
system,  National  and  State.  All  of  these  agencies  need 
to  give  more  informed  attention  to  farm  needs.  They  need 
more  energy  in  administration.  They  should  be  equipped 
to  supply  not  only  credit  but  sound  business  advice,  and 
the  farmers  to  a  much  better  extent  should  learn  to  use  all 
these  facilities. 

For  a  more  orderly  marketing  calculated  to  secure  a  bet- 
ter range  of  prices  the  cooperative  movement  promises  the 
greatest  success.  Already  they  are  handling  $2,500,000,000 
of  farm  produce,  or  nearly  one-fifth  of  the  annual  produc- 
tion. The  disposition  of  surplus  produce  has  been  dis- 
cussed. If  by  this  is  meant  the  constant  raising  of  a  larger 
supply  than  is  needed,  it  is  difficult  to  conceive  of  any 
remedy  except  reduced  production  in  any  such  commodity. 
But  there  are,  of  course,  accidental  surpluses  due  to  more 
favorable  weather  conditions,  which  are  unavoidable  and 
which  ought  to  be  managed  so  that  they  can  be  spread  over 
a  year  or  two  without  depressing  prices.  The  initiative  of 
the  farmers  themselves,  with  such  assistance  as  can  be  given 


them  by  the  Government  without  assuming  responsibility 
for  business  management,  through  financing  and  through 
the  cooperative  movement,  would  appear  to  be  a  wise 
method  of  solving  this  problem.  Of  course,  I  should  be 
willing  to  approve  any  plan  that  can  be  devised  in  accord- 
ance with  sound  economic  principles. 

To  have  agriculture  worth  anything,  it  must  rest  on  an 
independent  business  basis.  It  can  not  at  the  same  time 
be  part  private  business  and  part  Government  business. 
I  believe  the  Government  ought  to  give  it  every  assistance, 
but  it  ought  to  leave  it  as  the  support,  the  benefit,  and  the 
business  of  the  people.  The  interest  which  the  National 
Government  takes  in  agriculture  is  manifest  by  an  appro- 
priation of  about  $140,000,000  a  year,  which  is  nearly  one- 
fifth  of  our  total  expenditure,  exclusive  of  the  Post  Office, 
prior  to  the  war.  I  do  not  need  to  recount  what  is  being 
done  for  education  and  good  roads,  for  opening  up  our 
waterways,  or  the  enormous  activities  of  the  Department 
of  Agriculture  which  reach  to  almost  every  farmer  in  the 

The  most  important  development  of  late  years  has  been 
the  cooperative  movement.  With  the  economic  informa- 
tion furnished  by  the  department,  which  was  of  such  great 
value  to  the  hog  and  potato  industries  for  the  last  year  or 
two,  with  better  warehouse  and  storage  facilities  and  a 
better  credit  structure,  much  can  be  done  to  take  care  of  the 
ordinary  surplus.  With  a  production  influenced  by  infor- 
mation from  the  department,  with  adequate  storage,  sup- 
plied with  necessary  credit  and  the  orderly  marketing 
effected  through  cooperative  action,  agriculture  could  be 
placed  on  a  sound  and  independent  business  basis.  While 
the  Government  ought  not  to  undertake  to  control  or  direct, 
it  should  supplement  and  assist  all  efforts  in  this  direction. 
The  leaders  in  the  cooperative  movement,  with  the  advice 
of  the  Department  of  Agriculture,  have  prepared  what  is 


believed  to  be  an  adequate  bill  embodying  these  principles, 
which  will  be  presented  to  the  Congress  for  enactment. 
I  propose  actively  and  energetically  to  assist  the  farmers 
to  promote  their  welfare  through  cooperative  marketing. 

Under  the  working  out  of  the  provisions  of  this  bill  the 
farmers  would  have  the  active  and  energetic  assistance  of 
the  Government  in  meeting  the  problem  of  surplus  pro- 
duction. Through  consultation  and  conference  the  best 
experts  of  the  country  would  be  employed  as  the  needs 
require  and  methods  of  storage,  credit,  and  marketing  would 
be  devised.  The  agencies  created  would  have  at  their  dis- 
posal the  active  cooperation  of  the  great  organizations  of 
the  Departments  of  Agriculture,  Commerce,  and  Federal 
banking.  Their  representatives  at  home  and  abroad  would 
be  engaged  in  locating  and  supplying  domestic  and  foreign 
markets.  The  fundamental  soundness  of  this  proposal  rests 
on  the  principle  that  it  is  helping  the  farmer  to  help  him- 
self. Already  the  cooperative  effort  in  raisins  and  other 
products  has  met  with  marked  success  by  adopting  this 

It  would  be  a  great  mistake  to  underestimate  the  diffi- 
culties under  which  the  farmers  labor.  They  are  entitled 
to  all  the  sympathy  and  help  which  the  Government  can 
give  them.  But  I  feel  they  are  also  entitled  to  consider 
the  encouraging  features  of  their  situation.  Human  nature 
is  on  their  side.  We  are  all  consumers  of  food.  The  more 
prosperous  we  become,  the  more  we  consume  of  the  higher- 
priced  products.  In  the  past,  farm  prices  have  always 
tended  to  get  the  better  of  industrial  prices.  In  the  period 
from  1820  to  1860  there  was  a  general  rise  of  all  commodi- 
ties, but  farm  prices  increased  about  50  per  cent  more  than 
other  commodities.  After  the  Civil  War,  from  the  seventies 
to  1896,  there  was  a  decline  in  all  commodities,  but  farm 
prices  declined  less,  so  that  their  purchasing  power  actually 
increased.    From  1896  to  1913,  according  to  the  Bureau  of 


Labor  Statistics,  the  index  number  of  farm  prices  rose  82 
per  cent  while  that  of  other  prices  rose  but  37  per  cent. 
It  was  this  great  increase  in  the  price  of  food  products 
which  brought  about  the  complaint  and  discussion  of  the 
high  cost  of  living,  which  everyone  will  recall  became  acute 
about  1911  and  remained  a  problem  of  economic  adjustment 
unsolved  when  the  World  War  began. 

With  the  coming  of  the  great  conflict  an  entire  transfor- 
mation took  place.  The  price  of  all  commodities  rose  and, 
the  price  of  land  rose.  There  was  a  great  temptation  to 
expand.  Farmers  bought  more  land  at  very  high  prices. 
Then  came  the  terrible  world  depression  which  left  many 
involved  in  great  debts  and  everybody  with  shrunken  land 
values.  Farm  produce  decreased  in  price  faster  than  other 
commodities.  These  debts  and  shrunken  values  still  re- 
main as  a  great  burden.  On  top  of  them  are  the  war  taxes 
which  the  Nation  has  greatly  reduced,  but  which  the  local 
communities  still  tend  to  increase. 

It  is  this  burden  which  is  causing  distress,  but  history  is 
again  showing  signs  of  repeating  itself.  In  1921  the  price 
of  farm  produce  reached  its  low  point.  According  to  the 
Department  of  Agriculture,  however,  the  end  of  this  four- 
year  period  sees  the  price  of  farm  products  substantially 
increased.  Much  of  the  debts  and  taxes  remain,  but  with 
the  prices  now  received  the  present  business  of  farming  is 
very  much  improved. 

I  believe  that  the  past  history  of  the  relative  trend  of 
prices  between  farm  products  and  other  commodities  is  of 
tremendous  significance.  The  surplus  lancls  of  the  country 
are  exhausted.  The  industrial  population  is  outstripping 
the  farm  population.  Manufacturing  is  expanding.  These 
must  come  to  the  farmers  for  their  food  and  their  raw  mate- 
rials. While  we  can  produce  more,  the  markets  for  food  are 
increasing  much  faster  than  present  farm  productivity. 
The  future  of  agriculture  looks  to  be  exceedingly  secure. 


The  real  wealth  of  our  country,  its  productive  capacity, 
its  great  manufacturing  plants,  its  far-reaching  railroad 
system,  its  mighty  commerce,  and  its  agriculture  did  not 
come  into  being  all  at  once,  but  is  the  result  of  a  vast  multi- 
tude of  small  increments  brought  about  by  long,  slow,  and 
laborious  toil.  Whatever  a  few  individuals  may  do,  the 
Nation  as  a  whole  and  its  great  subdivisions  of  industry, 
transportation,  commerce,  and  agriculture  can  increase  by 
no  other  method.  The  percentage  of  yearly  returns  upon 
all  the  property  of  this  country  is  low,  but  in  the  aggregate 
it  is  a  stupendous  sum.  Unless  all  past  experience  is  to  be 
disregarded,  notwithstanding  its  present  embarrassments, 
agriculture  as  a  whole  should  lead  industry  in  future 

In  all  our  economic  discussions  we  must  remember  that 
we  can  not  stop  with  the  mere  acquisition  of  wealth.  The 
ultimate  result  to  be  desired  is  not  the  making  of  money, 
but  the  making  of  people.  Industry,  thrift,  and  self-control 
are  not  sought  because  they  create  wealth,  but  because  they 
create  character.  These  are  the  prime  product  of  the  farm. 
We  who  have  seen  it,  and  lived  it,  we  know. 

It  is  this  life  that  the  Nation  is  so  solicitous  to  maintain 
and  improve.  It  dwells  in  the  open  country,  among  the 
hills  and  valleys  and  over  the  great  plains,  in  the  unob- 
structed light  of  the  sun,  and  under  the  glimmer  of  the 
stars.  It  brings  its  inhabitants  into  an  intimate  and  true 
relation  to  nature,  where  they  can  live  in  harmony  with 
the  Great  Purpose.  It  has  been  the  life  of  freedom  and 
independence,  of  religious  convictions  and  abiding  charac- 
ter. In  its  past  it  has  made  and  saved  America  and  helped 
rescue  the  world.  In  its  future  it  holds  the  supreme  prom- 
ise of  human  progress. 


It  is  not  through  selfishness  or  wastefulness  or 
arrogance,  but  through  self-denial,  conservation, 
and  service,  that  we  shall  build  up  the  American 
spirit.  This  is  the  true  constructive  economy, 
the  true  faith  on  which  our  institutions  rest. 


As  would  be  the  practice  in  any  well-managed  concern, 
the  executive  heads  of  the  various  departments  and  bureaus 
of  the  United  States  Government  meet  twice  a  year  for 
receiving  a  report  of  the  results  of  their  efforts  to  make 
the  business  of  the  Government  more  successful.  This  is 
primarily  a  meeting  to  consider  the  Federal  financial  opera- 
tions. But  it  approaches  that  problem  not  from  the  side 
of  the  finding  and  the  raising  of  revenue  but  from  the  oppo- 
site side  of  the  conservation  and  the  expenditure  of  revenue. 
It  is  an  eternal  challenge  to  which  we  respond,  of  how  to 
secure  a  more  efficient  government  with  a  smaller  expendi- 
ture of  money.  It  is  a  great  test  of  engineering  skill  in 
the  constant  elimination  of  waste,  in  the  making  of  every 
dollar  count,  and  in  the  conserving  of  national  energy.  On 
the  success  with  which  we  meet  these  requirements  depends 
the  welfare  of  the  Government  and  the  prosperity  and 
happiness  of  the  American  people. 

It  is  for  these  reasons  that  the  greatest  emphasis  should 
be  placed  on  constructive  economy.  Merely  to  reduce  the 
expenses  of  the  Government  might  not  in  itself  be  bene- 
ficial. Such  action  might  be  only  the  discontinuance  of  a 
wholly  necessary  activity.  No  civilized  community  would 
close  its  schools,  abolish  its  courts,  disband  its  police  force, 
or  discontinue  its  fire  department.  Such  action  could  not 
be  counted  as  gain,  but  as  irreparable  loss.  The  underlying 
spirit  of  economy  is  to  secure  better  education,  wider  ad- 
ministration of  justice,  more  public  order,  and  greater  se- 

At  the  Tenth  Regular  Meeting  of  the  Business  Organization  of  the  Gov- 
ernment, Memorial  Continental  Hall,  January  30,  1926. 



curity  from  conflagration,  all  through  a  superior  organization 
which  will  decrease  the  unit  of  cost.  It  is  all  reducible  to 
a  question  of  national  efficiency. 

Each  one  of  you  may  sometimes  feel  that  you  are  per- 
forming a  small  and  ineffective  part  and  that  the  expendi- 
tures in  your  department  will  make  so  little  difference  that 
it  is  not  worth  while  to  put  forth  much  effort.  Pausing 
long  enough  to  remind  you  that  in  the  first  place  the  char- 
acter of  the  manhood  and  womanhood  which  you  develop 
will  depend  entirely  on  the  amount  of  effort  that  you  put 
forth,  I  pass  over  that  consideration  to  the  fact  that  though 
each  of  you  may  contribute  a  comparatively  small  share 
to  the  general  result,  yet  in  a  concern  so  vast  as  the  Govern- 
ment of  the  United  States  the  aggregate  is  very  large.  I 
want  to  see  the  public  service  of  my  country  make  a  large 
contribution  to  the  character  of  those  who  are  employed  in 
it  and  become  the  most  efficient  instrument  of  organized 
government  in  the  world.  Before  you  admit  that  your  own 
part  is  small  and  ineffective  you  should  remember  that 
the  whole  is  equal  to  the  sum  of  all  the  parts  and  take  a 
survey  of  the  broad  plan  which  is  gradually  being  framed 
in  accordance  with  the  system  of  constructive  economy  for 
the  conduct  of  the  Federal  business. 

It  happens  that  this  is  the  tenth  Budget  meeting.  If 
you  will  look  back  at  the  situation  which  existed  in  June, 
1921,  only  four  and  one-half  years  ago,  when  your  first 
meeting  was  held,  you  will  be  able  better  to  understand 
the  tremendous  results  of  a  policy  of  constructive  economy. 
At  that  time  5,000,000  of  our  people  were  without  employ- 
ment, trade  and  commerce  were  despondent,  transportation 
was  unable  to  finance  itself,  the  loss  of  buying  power  on 
the  part  of  the  wage  earner  depressed  the  price  of  all  agri- 
cultural products,  our  foreign  relations  were  in  an  uncertain 
state,  we  were  threatened  with  an  inundation  of  alien  goods 
and  alien  peoples,  about  $7,000,000,000  of  unfunded  public 



debt  was  shortly  to  mature.  It  was  almost  impossible  to 
secure  private  credit.  The  burden  of  taxation  was  over- 

The  action  of  the  Government  was  prompt  and  effective. 
It  is  for  us  to  see  that  it  remains  sustained.  The  flood  of 
immigration  and  importations  was  checked  by  legislation. 
Our  own  people  began  to  find  work.  Our  own  goods  began 
to  find  a  market.  Taxes  were  enormously  reduced.  Federal 
expenditures,  which  then  amounted  to  $5,538,000,000  for 
that  fiscal  year,  it  is  now  estimated  will  be  cut  down  to 
$3,619,000,000  for  this  fiscal  year.  That  is  a  saving  of 
$1,919,000,000.  Our  short-term  obligations  were  so  skill- 
fully funded  that  instead  of  embarrassing  business  the 
operation  actually  stimulated  it.  The  public  debt  then 
was  $23,997,000,000.  At  the  end  of  this  fiscal  year  it  is 
estimated  it  will  be  less  than  $20,000,000,000.  This  is  a 
payment  of  about  $4,000,000,000  and  represents  a  yearly 
saving  in  interest  of  $179,000,000.  Credit  was  extended  to 
agriculture  and  transportation  through  the  War  Finance 

With  the  return  of  employment  and  high  wages  the  con- 
sumption of  agricultural  products  increased  18  per  cent. 
Our  foreign  relations  were  adjusted  in  a  manner  which 
added  to  the  peace  and  stability  of  the  world.  The  enor- 
mous debts  due  to  us  from  abroad  have  been  steadily  ad- 
justed until  but  one  of  large  importance  remains.  The 
system  of  foreign  loans  has  increased  foreign  purchasing 
powers.  Economies  in  production  have  decreased  our  do- 
mestic costs.  Our  exports  and  imports  for  the  last  year 
were  about  $9,000,000,000,  the  highest  mark  ever  reached  in 
time  of  peace.  With  our  assistance  the  economic  condition 
of  the  whole  world  has  been  very  greatly  improved. 

To  eliminate  competition  in  armaments  and  prevent  the 
friction  and  suspicion  which  inevitably  arises  from  that 
practice,    the    Washington    Conference    provided    treaties 


which  not  only  afford  great  financial  relief  but  are  very 
effective  in  the  promotion  of  international  good  will  and 
confidence.  Before  us  is  the  prospect  of  another  conference 
which  holds  the  promise  of  further  advance  in  this  most 
attractive  field.  These  accomplishments  mean  interna- 
tional peace,  economic  prosperity,  and  financial  stability. 

In  your  own  peculiar  field  the  most  impressive  action  was 
the  adoption  of  the  Budget  system.  With  the  cooperation 
of  the  Congress,  with  your  loyal  support,  and  under  the 
forceful  leadership  of  General  Dawes,  it  was  put  into  opera- 
tion. In  a  little  over  two  years  it  became  apparent  that 
largely  because  of  its  efficient  continuance  under  General 
Lord  it  was  possible  again  to  reduce  taxes.  Such  a  bill  was 
enacted  by  the  Congress  which  convened  in  December, 
1923.  Due  to  the  same  moving  factors,  we  have  been  en- 
abled to  propose  another  reduction  in  taxes,  which  is  now 
pending  before  the  Congress  and  promises  to  be  speedily 
enacted.  This  is  your  record.  It  is  due  to  your  individual 
action.  Measured  in  its  entirety,  it  is  not  small  or  inconse- 
quential, but  tremendous  in  its  results  and  of  overwhelming 
significance  in  its  implications.  It  has  been  a  large  con- 
tributing factor  to  prosperity  at  home,  and  to  peace,  repara- 
tion, and  restoration  abroad. 

It  is  my  belief  that  we  should  supplement  these  achieve- 
ments, round  out  these  accomplishments  and  reinforce  this 
same  general  policy  of  constructive  economy,  enlarged  pros- 
perity, and  peace,  by  adhering  to  the  Permanent  Court  of 
International  Justice.  When  accompanied  with  proper  res- 
ervations I  can  see  in  such  action  no  diminution  of  our 
sovereignty,  no  increase  in  our  national  peril,  but  rather  an 
instrument  which  will  add  more  securities  to  human  rights 
and  more  guaranties  to  international  tranquility.  We 
have  not  reached  these  domestic  results  without  struggle 
and  sacrifice  and  the  encountering  of  opposition.  We  shall 
not  be  able  to  do  much  good  to  ourselves  or  make  much 


contribution  to  the  welfare  of  the  world,  unless  we  continue 
the  same  struggle  and  make  increasing  sacrifices. 

To  me,  all  these  proposals  for  conservation  and  economy- 
do  not  seem  either  selfish  or  provincial,  but  rather  they 
reveal  a  spirit  dedicated  to  the  service  of  humanity.  If 
these  things  are  not  important,  then  there  are  no  earthly 
considerations  that  are  important. 

Although  these  accomplishments  are  past  history  and 
ought  to  be  known  of  all  men,  yet  it  is  well  that  they  be 
recalled  and  reiterated,  in  order  that  we  may  better  under- 
stand the  general  plan  which  not  only  all  the  people  in  the 
Government  but  all  the  people  in  the  country  are  engaged 
in  putting  into  effect.  The  penalty  for  achievement  is  al- 
ways a  demand  for  even  greater  achievement.  In  this 
effort  for  retrenchment  you  have  not  disappointed  the  peo- 
ple or  the  President,  and  it  is  my  firm  conviction  that  you 
never  will.  If  you  at  times  grow  weary  of  the  constant 
stress  put  on  economy,  you  will  see  that  something  more  is 
involved  than  can  be  measured  in  dollars  and  cents.  The 
spirit  of  real  constructive  economy  is  something  higher  and 
nobler.  It  does  not  imply  so  much  a  limitation  as  an  at- 
tempt to  be  free  from  limitation.  It  does  not  contemplate 
curtailing  ample  supplies  for  worthy  purposes  and  real 
needs,  but  it  is  the  enemy  of  waste  and  the  ally  of  orderly 
procedure.  It  is  an  attempt  to  increase  and  enlarge  the 
scope  of  the  individual  and  the  life  of  the  nation. 

How  great  a  need  exists  to  emphasize  the  homely  funda- 
mental virtue  of  government  economy  is  seen  when  we 
contemplate  the  mounting  tide  of  expenditure  and  indebted- 
ness of  municipal  and  State  governments.  This  tendency 
is  one  of  great  concern.  The  very  fact  that  the  Federal 
Government  has  been  able  to  cut  down  its  expenditures, 
decrease  its  indebtedness,  and  reduce  its  taxes  indicates 
how  great  is  the  accomplishment  which  you  have  made  in 
behalf  of  the  people  of  the  Nation.    These  results  are  all 


monuments  to  you  and  to  the  Congress.  It  has  been  your 
work  and  your  cooperation  that  has  brought  forth  these 
fortunate  conclusions. 

Heretofore  I  have  expressed  the  opinion  that  we  can  not 
look  for  further  reductions  in  the  cost  of  the  actual  trans- 
acting of  the  business  of  the  Government.  It  is  only  natu- 
ral that  the  normal  growth  of  the  Nation  would  produce 
some  expansion.  But  constant  scrutiny  is  necessary  to  pre- 
vent fossilization  and  decay.  Careful  oversight  of  person- 
nel is  always  required.  The  pay  roll  represents  the  largest 
single  item  in  the  business  of  the  Government.  During  the 
past  calendar  year  this  has  been  reduced  locally  by  more 
than  5,000  names — an  annual  saving  of  $8,000,000 — al- 
though when  persons  are  dropped  from  one  department 
they  are  always  taken  care  of  in  another  wherever  possible. 

Past  experience  has  shown  that  a  reduction  of  taxe3  has 
been  followed  by  increased  prosperity.  As  the  volume  of 
business  increases  the  Federal  revenue  increases.  If  we 
are  moderate  in  our  expenditures,  the  natural  increase  in 
profits  ought  within  the  next  few  years  to  furnish  us  again 
with  a  surplus  revenue  which  will  permit  a  further  tax 

We  were  the  first  nation  in  recent  years  to  adopt  a  plan 
to  reduce  our  debt  and  put  the  plan  into  operation.  We 
are  maintaining  our  sinking  fund  and  applying  the  pay- 
ments made  on  our  foreign  loans  to  the  retirement  of  our 
debt.  As  a  result  this  Nation  has  to-day  the  best  credit 
in  the  world.  We  have  lowered  our  interest  costs  not  only 
by  reducing  our  debt,  but  by  so  improving  our  credit  that 
we  can  borrow  at  lower  rates.  Since  interest  is  22%  per 
cent  of  our  total  Federal  expenditures,  a  reduction  in  inter- 
est is  a  most  fruitful  field  for  permanent  saving.  If  we 
continued  this  plan  during  the  post-war  depression,  there 
is  certainly  little  reason  for  changing  it  in  these  days  of 



Very  soon  you  will  have  your  appropriations  for  the  next 
fiscal  year.  It  would  be  wise  early  to  lay  out  a  carefully 
prepared  program  in  making  the  apportionment  over  the 
several  periods  of  the  year,  as  is  required  by  the  law.  If 
all  our  expenditures  are  wisely  planned  and  wisely  made, 
retrenchment  will  take  care  of  itself.  You  should  not  for- 
get to  lay  aside  an  emergency  fund.  Something  unexpected 
usually  happens,  but  if  it  does  not  a  real  saving  is  made. 
The  reserve  set  up  in  this  way  for  the  last  fiscal  year  has 
an  unexpended  balance  of  $24,000,000.  It  is  of  the  utmost 
importance  to  remember  that  constructive  economy  means 
preparation  for  the  future.  Our  country  is  in  need  of  in- 
ternal improvements  and  developments.  A  new  building 
bill  is  under  way,  and  our  great  interior  should  be  pro- 
vided with  river  and  waterway  facilities.  These  two  proj- 
ects represent  a  capital  investment  on  which  the  returns 
will  undoubtedly  justify  the  costs.  But  we  should  beware 
of  increased  permanent  commitments. 

When  the  Government  rents  privately  owned  buildings 
it  pays  a  high  rate  of  interest,  all  the  taxes,  and  some  profit. 
When  it  occupies  its  own  buildings  the  interest  represented 
is  very  low,  and  taxes  and  profits  are  eliminated.  The  open- 
ing up  of  waterways  means  the  development  of  commerce, 
less  cost  for  freight  on  raw  materials,  and  a  large  saving 
to  our  agricultural  regions.  The  extent  to  which  these 
projects  can  be  undertaken  in  the  immediate  future  awaits 
the  outcome  of  the  pending  tax  bill. 

What  all  these  efforts  mean  would  be  greatly  underesti- 
mated if  it  be  thought  that  they  begin  and  end  with  the 
saving  of  money.  Considered  in  their  entirety,  they  play 
an  important  part  in  the  wonderful  American  experiment 
for  the  advancement  of  human  welfare.  It  is  not  only  the 
method  by  which  we  have  built  railroads,  developed  agri- 
culture, created  commerce,  and  established  industry,  not 
only  the  method  by  which  we  have  made  nearly  18,000,000 


automobiles  and  put  a  telephone  and  a  radio  in  so  large  a 
proportion  of  our  homes,  but  it  is  also  the  method  by  which 
we  have  founded  schools,  endowed  hospitals,  and  erected 
places  of  religious  worship.  It  is  the  material  groundwork  on 
which  the  whole  fabric  of  society  rests.  It  has  given  to  the 
average  American  a  breadth  of  outlook,  a  variety  of  experi- 
ence, and  a  richness  of  life  that  in  former  generations  was 
entirely  beyond  the  reach  of  even  the  most  powerful  princes. 

All  of  this  effort  represents  not  merely  the  keeping  of 
our  money  but  the  keeping  of  our  faith.  One  of  the  chief 
dangers  to  the  success  of  popular  government  is  that  it  will 
throw  away  self-restraint  and  self-control  and  adopt  laws 
which,  being  without  sound  economic  foundation,  bring  on 
such  a  financial  distress  as  to  result  in  want,  misery,  dis- 
order, and  the  dissolution  of  society.  America  has  demon- 
strated that  self-government  can  be  so  administered  as 
fairly  to  protect  each  individual  in  all  his  rights,  whether 
they  affect  his  person  or  his  property.  Under  constitutional 
authority  we  tax  everything,  but  we  confiscate  nothing.  It 
is  not  through  selfishness  or  wastefulness  or  arrogance,  but 
through  self-denial,  conservation,  and  service,  that  we  shall 
build  up  the  American  spirit.  This  is  the  true  constructive 
economy,  the  true  faith  on  which  our  institutions  rest. 

Our  chief  of  staff  in  the  direction  of  all  this  work  is 
General  Lord.  It  is  because  of  his  continuing  efforts  and 
your  constant  cooperation  that  our  Government  service 
to-day  is  a  greatly  improved  service.  It  is  more  efficient 
and  better  able  to  function.  The  day  of  administration 
without  coordination  has  passed.  Our  country  has  adopted 
a  system  of  ordered  finance.  While  much  of  the  inspiration 
for  this  great  achievement  is  furnished  by  the  words  of 
General  Lord,  the  action  has  been  furnished  by  yourselves. 
I  present  him  to  you  not  as  your  opponent  or  your  critic, 
but  as  your  most  loyal  friend  and  your  most  sympathetic 


Truth  dissipates  misunderstanding  and  miscon- 
ception. It  is  the  junction  of  a  free  press  not 
only  to  make  the  truth  available  to  everyone 
within  its  sphere,  but  to  cherish  and  develop  a 
public  sentiment  for  all  that  is  loyal  to  the  truth. 
A  free  and  enlightened  press,  by  this  means,  be- 
comes one  of  the  safeguards  of  liberty. 

«J.  II 


This  is  the  First  Pan  American  Congress  of  Journalists. 
In  the  number  of  countries  represented  and  in  the  extent  of 
territory  embraced,  it  is  without  doubt  one  of  the  most 
important  meetings  of  publishers  and  editors  that  was  ever 
held.  And  when  it  is  considered  that  within  your  numbers 
are  those  who  control  and  shape  the  policies  of  the  press  in 
almost  all  the  Western  Hemisphere,  the  weight  and  signifi- 
cance of  your  conference  becomes  still  more  impressive. 
It  is  a  peculiar  pleasure  to  extend  to  your  Congress,  which 
represents  so  many  American  Republics,  a  most  cordial 
greeting,  and  to  assure  you  that  the  Government  and  people 
of  the  United  States  are  pleased  to  make  an  appropriate 
response  to  the  honor  which  your  presence  confers. 

Possibilities  of  broad  and  beneficial  results  lie  in  the  very 
nature  of  the  untrammeled  constituency  of  your  body. 
While  provision  was  made  for  it  under  a  resolution  of  the 
Fifth  International  Conference  of  American  States,  com- 
monly known  as  the  Fifth  Pan  American  Conference,  held 
at  Santiago,  Chile,  in  1923,  it  is  not  an  official  gathering. 
Your  members  in  no  wise  represent  their  respective  govern- 
ments. You  are  here  in  your  individual  capacities  as  the 
free  agents  of  a  free  press  of  free  countries,  in  voluntary 
conference  to  discuss  ways  and  means  of  bringing  the  people 
of  the  western  world  to  a  better  understanding  and  a  more 
sympathetic  accord. 

Truth  dissipates  misunderstanding  and  misconception. 
It  is  the  function  of  a  free  press  not  only  to  make  the  truth 

Address  before  the  First  Pan  American  Congress  of  Journalists,  Wash- 
ington, D.  C,  April  8,  1926. 



available  to  everyone  within  its  sphere,  but  to  cherish  and 
develop  a  public  sentiment  for  all  that  is  loyal  to  the  truth. 
A  free  and  enlightened  press,  by  this  means,  becomes  one 
of  the  safeguards  of  liberty.  When  devoted  to  these  ideals 
it  is  a  vitally  stimulating  cultural  force. 

Since  the  earliest  establishment  of  Republics  in  Latin 
America  there  has  been  a  common  bond  between  the  people 
of  those  countries  and  our' people.  The  strength  of  this 
bond  has  grown  with  the  years.  But,  up  to  very  recent 
times,  there  has  been  an  unfortunate  lack  of  information 
on  the  part  of  the  general  public  of  the  United  States  of 
the  aims,  achievements,  and  progress  of  those  regions.  And, 
I  am  told,  a  similar  condition  in  regard  to  affairs  in  the 
United  States  has  existed  among  their  people.  Such  con- 
ditions can  be  remedied  only  by  the  dissemination  of  knowl- 
edge. Various  Pan  American  organizations  have  done  a 
most  valuable  work  in  this  direction.  But  one  of  the  most 
important  factors  in  bringing  about  a  better  understanding 
has  been  an  awakening  of  interest  among  us  in  the  news  of 
the  countries  represented  by  our  visitors;  conversely  has 
come  the  desire  on  their  part  to  learn  more  of  what  we  are 
doing  and  why  we  are  doing  it.  This  has  resulted  in  the 
enlargement  of  old  and  the  organization  of  new  services  for 
the  interchange  of  news.  As  I  understand  the  purpose  of 
your  conference,  it  is  not  only  for  the  forming  of  friendships 
by  personal  contact,  but  also  for  the  exchange  of  views  and 
the  discussion  of  conditions  and  problems,  as  they  come  to 
the  editor  who  is  striving  to  present  to  his  readers  a  true 
perspective  of  what  is  taking  place  in  his  own  country  and 
in  other  countries. 

After  your  deliberations  in  Washington  you,  who  are 
our  most  welcome  guests,  will  visit  other  parts  of  our  coun- 
try to  see  for  yourselves  the  material  and  cultural  progress 
we  are  making.  Perhaps  in  other  years  our  journalists  will 
have  the  privilege  of  coming  into  intimate  contact  with 


your  nations  and  of  seeing  for  themselves  the  wonderful 
advance  you  have  made  in  these  directions,  thus  giving  us 
both  a  more  complete  knowledge  and  understanding  of  our 
common  aims,  aspirations,  and  achievements. 

It  is  most  appropriate  that  you  are  meeting  in  this  beau- 
tiful building.  In  a  very  real  sense  this  is  your  home.  The 
ideals  and  the  purposes  of  the  Pan  American  Union  are 
those  which  the  press  of  this  hemisphere  should  seek  to 
serve.  It  should  promote  a  better  understanding  among  the 
western  Republics,  and  it  should  foster  a  spirit  of  sympathy, 
harmony,  and  cooperation.  Your  newspapers  may  do  much 
to  emphasize  and  make  more  effective  the  efforts  of  this 
organization  to  bring  the  United  States  and  the  Latin 
American  Republics  into  closer  bonds  of  mutual  helpful- 

Your  visit  to  our  country  will,  I  trust,  be  beneficial  to 
you  by  reason  of  what  you  may  learn  of  our  general  mode 
of  life.  You  will  come  in  contact  with  our  industries,  our 
universities,  our  political  and  our  religious  institutions. 
This  will  enable  you  the  better  to  interpret  our  ideals  in 
your  future  communications  to  your  own  people.  It  will 
also  provide  an  opportunity  for  our  citizens  to  give  you 
personal  assurances  of  the  depth  and  breadth  of  the  friend- 
ship which  exists  here  for  you  and  your  people,  and  the 
earnest  desire  for  a  continuation  of  those  friendly  relations 
which  are  the  result  of  commercial  intercourse  and  mutual 

It  will  also  afford  the  occasion  for  the  inhabitants  of  our 
country  to  learn  more  of  what  our  sister  Republics  are  and 
what  they  represent.  It  will  give  them  an  opportunity  to 
recall  that  the  early  inhabitants  of  colonial  South  America 
established  centers  of  culture  earlier  than  similar  agencies 
were  established  in  English  colonial  possessions  in  North 
America.  No  less  than  eight  institutions  of  higher  learning 
were  founded  prior  to  the  establishment  in  1636  of  Harvard, 


the  oldest  university  in  the  United  States.  The  Royal  and 
Pontifical  University  of  St.  Paul,  in  Mexico,  and  the 
Greater  University  of  St.  Mark,  in  Lima,  both  were  char- 
tered by  royal  decree  in  the  year  1551.  These  institutions 
were  intended  to  equip  their  pupils  for  the  priesthood,  just 
as  the  first  schools  in  North  America  were  designed  pri- 
marily to  train  young  men  for  the  ministry. 

Printing  in  the  New  World  first  appeared  in  Latin 
America.  The  first  printing  press  this  side  of  the  Atlantic 
was  set  up  in  Mexico  in  1535  and  the  second  in  Lima  in  1586. 
It  was  not  until  1639  that  the  first  printing  press,  in  what 
is  now  the  United  States,  was  used  in  Cambridge,  Mass. 
The  dissemination  of  news  in  printed  form  was  resorted 
to  in  South  America  as  early  as  1594.  A  leaflet  published  in 
Lima  gave  to  the  public  the  news  of  the  capture  of  an 
English  pirate.  About  1620  news  leaflets  frequently  ap- 
peared in  Mexico  and  Lima,  but  publications  resembling 
later-day  newspapers  in  any  degree  were  not  attempted 
until  1772. 

In  any  consideration  of  the  comparative  progress  and 
achievements  of  Latin  America  and  the  United  States  we 
must  remember  that  the  United  States  had  the  advantage 
of  a  national  existence  for  more  than  forty  years  before  the 
Latin  American  countries  had  become  independent.  The 
Battle  of  Yorktown,  which  marked  the  end  of  our  Revolu- 
tion, was  in  1781,  while  the  decisive  battle  for  Latin  Ameri- 
can independence  was  fought  at  Ayachucho,  Peru,  in  1824. 

Since  about  1876,  these  independent  Republics  have  been 
expanding  commercially  at  a  rapid  rate.  The  following  are 
very  striking  figures,  although  prepared  some  years  ago. 
In  1919,  with  a  population  under  80,000,000,  the  total  for- 
eign commerce  of  Latin  American  countries  amounted  to 
over  $5,000,000,000.  With  these  figures  compare  those  of 
the  United  States  in  1900,  when  our  population  was  about 


76,000,000  and  our  foreign  commerce  less  than  $2,500,- 

Historians  refer  to  the  nineteenth  century  as  distin- 
guished by  the  development  of  the  United  States.  Elihu 
Root,  after  his  official  visit,  said,  in  1906,  "I  believe  that 
no  student  can  help  seeing  that  the  twentieth  century  will 
be  the  century  of  phenomenal  development  in  South 
America."  Theodore  Roosevelt  made  a  similar  statement 
at  the  time  of  his  trip  to  Brazil  in  1914.  All  that  has  hap- 
pened since  has  tended  to  prove  the  correctness  of  these 

Too  few  people  in  this  country  have  an  adequate  realiza- 
tion of  the  immensity  of  Latin  America.  Many  do  not 
know  that  these  twenty  Republics  cover  an  area  of  9,000,000 
square  miles,  approximately  three  times  the  area  of  the 
United  States;  that  Brazil  alone  is  larger  than  the  United 
States,  and  that  Argentina  is  nearly  two-thirds  as  large. 
And,  I  fear,  the  conception  of  our  average  citizen  is  woe- 
fully deficient  as  to  the  extent  to  which  these  Republics 
have  developed  in  industry,  science,  and  the  arts,  and  to 
which  they  enjoy  all  the  improvements  of  modern  civiliza- 
tion, oftentimes  improving  these  improvements. 

In  some  measure  this  has  been  due  to  the  lack  of  informa- 
tion in  our  press.  Some  one  has  remarked  there  was  a 
time  when  readers  of  our  newspapers  here  might  have  im- 
agined revolutions  and  volcanic  disturbances  were  the  chief 
product  of  Latin  America.  On  the  other  hand,  the  readers 
of  Latin  American  papers  got  little  idea  of  our  national 
life  from  the  accounts  of  train  wrecks,  lynchings,  and  di- 
vorces, which,  it  was  said,  constituted  the  principal  news 
printed  there  about  our  country. 

That  day  has  passed.  Since  1916,  due  to  our  increased 
cable  facilities  and  the  reduction  of  cable  tolls,  as  well  as 
the  keen  desire  for  more  information,  the  amount  of  news 
exchanged  between  the  Americas  has  been  increased  greatly, 


and  its  character  is  more  constructive.  I  venture  the  pre- 
diction that  as  a  result  of  this  Congress  the  papers  in  the 
United  States  in  the  future  will  present  more  complete  and 
more  accurate  pictures  of  the  cultural  and  industrial  prog- 
ress of  Latin  America,  and  that  the  press  of  those  Republics 
will  give  to  their  readers  a  better  understanding  of  the 
ideals  and  purposes  of  the  United  States. 

The  awakening  of  the  spirit  of  independence  in  Latin 
America,  just  as  the  world  was  turning  into  the  nineteenth 
century,  inspired  a  literature  that  ranks  high  in  quality. 
This  literary  inspiration  continued  to  be  fed  by  the  series 
of  romantic  events  following  independence.  I  can  mention 
only  a  few  of  the  many  men  of  literary  distinction  whose 
works  in  time  may  become  as  well  known  to  us  as  those  of 
French,  Italian,  German,  and  English  authors,  as  we  extend 
the  study  of  Latin  American  tongues  in  our  schools.  Among 
these  are  Domingo  Faustino  Sarmiento,  of  Argentina; 
Andres  Bello,  of  Venezuela;  Ruben  Dario,  of  Nicaragua; 
Jorge  Isaacs,  of  Colombia ;  Ricardo  Palma,  of  Peru ;  Benja- 
min Vicuna  Mackenna,  of  Chile;  Jose  Enrique  Rodo,  of 
Uruguay;  Juan  de  Dios  Peza,  of  Mexico;  Olavo  Bilac,  of 
Brazil;  Jose  Maria  Heredia,  of  Cuba;  and  Jose  Joaquin 
Olmedo,  of  Ecuador.  You  will  recall  many  other  brilliant 

One  of  our  writers,  after  calling  attention  to  the  fact 
that  Sarmiento  was  a  contemporary  of  Washington  Irving, 
James  Fenimore  Cooper,  Bryant,  Poe,  Longfellow,  Emer- 
son, Hawthorne,  Lowell,  Oliver  Wendell  Holmes,  all  famous 
writers  of  the  United  States,  adds:  ".  .  .  ,  none  exhibits 
Sarmiento's  combination  of  activity  and  reflection,  roman- 
ticism and  practicality,  brilliance  and  warmth.  With  the 
exception  of  Emerson  it  is  doubtful  if  any  of  these  paladins 
of  our  golden  age  of  literature  was  his  superior,  and  it  was 
certain  that  none  did  more  to  uplift  his  country  and  to  raise 
the  general  level  of  culture." 


Sarmiento  should  be  well  known  in  this  country.  After 
serving  here  as  minister  plenipotentiary  of  Argentina  he  be- 
came its  President.  He  was  a  great  student  of  the  institu- 
tions and  history  of  the  United  States  and  wrote  a  biography 
of  Abraham  Lincoln.  After  conference  with  Horace  Mann 
he  established  a  system  of  education  in  Argentina  modeled 
after  some  of  those  in  this  country. 

In  the  field  of  drama  Latin  America  has  produced  Juan 
Ruiz  de  Alarcon.  Scholarship,  poetry,  fiction,  criticism, 
and  political  writing  all  have  had  their  exponents  in  the 
various  Latin  American  Republics.  Argentina,  Brazil, 
Chile,  Mexico,  and  Venezuela  have  national  academies  of 
art  and  conservatories  of  music.  There  are  many  who 
consider  the  Palace  of  Fine  Arts  of  Santiago,  Chile,  as  the 
finest  of  its  kind  on  the  Western  Hemisphere. 

The  Mexican  Government  through  all  the  years  never 
has  failed  to  encourage  art.  This  encouragement  has  been 
put  in  concrete  form  by  the  establishment  in  recent  years 
of  the  Coyoacan  Art  School.  Music  is  more  genuinely 
popular  in  Latin  America  probably  than  in  the  United 
States.  Most  cities  or  towns  of  any  size  have  open-air  con- 
certs, and  the  great  operatic  stars  have  been  received  with 
proper  acclaim  and  rewarded  with  large  remunerations. 
State  and  municipality  foster  the  drama  and  erect  fine 
buildings  in  which  to  produce  it.  The  Solis,  of  Montevideo ; 
the  National  Theater  of  Mexico,  and  the  Colon  of  Buenos 
Aires  surpass  most  of  our  theaters  in  the  United  States  in 
size,  cost,  and  beauty.  The  best  theatrical  companies  in 
Europe  are  obtained,  and  much  native  talent  is  being 

Latin  America  has  its  share  of  scientists,  to  which  num- 
ber are  being  added  each  year  many  graduates  of  the  lead- 
ing universities.  I  might  mention  the  names  of  Dr.  Oswaldo 
Cruz,  municipal  sanitation  expert ;  Rodrigues,  the  botanist, 
and  Lacerda,  the  biologist,  all  Brazilians;   Dr.  Alejandro 


Alvarez,  of  Chile,  widely  known  throughout  the  world  as 
an  authority  on  international  law,  and  Dr.  Luis  Drago,  of 
Argentina,  who  enunciated  the  Drago  doctrine.  That  many 
in  the  United  States  may  not  have  heard  of  these  eminent 
men,  simply  indicates  a  lack  of  information  on  our  part. 

While  popular  education  was  not  developed  in  Latin 
America  so  soon  as  in  the  territory  originally  comprising 
the  English  colonies,  it  has  made  rapid  strides  there  since 
1880.  The  development  of  normal  schools  has  been  marked. 
"They  are  proving  in  particular,"  one  of  our  writers  says, 
"the  educational  and  economic  salvation  of  Latin  American 
womanhood  *  *  *."  Our  women  who  take  part  in  public 
affairs  might  learn  a  great  deal  by  studying  the  history  of 
the  Sociedad  de  Beneficencia,  composed  of  about  sixty  prom- 
inent women  of  Buenos  Aires.  For  many  years  this  organ- 
ization has  conducted  most  of  the  public  philanthropies 
of  that  city,  collecting  and  distributing  benevolences  on  a 
large  scale.  The  income  of  the  society,  I  understand, 
amounts  to  more  than  $4,000,000  a  year. 

In  recent  years  has  come  a  profound  realization  that  the 
commercial  interests  of  Latin  America  and  the  United 
States  have  a  strong  natural  bond.  Since  the  World  War 
we  have  enlarged  that  interest  by  vastly  increasing  our 
shipping  facilities  between  here  and  various  Latin  Ameri- 
can ports,  by  establishing  branches  of  our  banks,  and  by  the 
investment  of  great  amounts  of  capital.  It  is  estimated 
that  in  1923  United  States  capital  invested  in  Latin  America 
amounted  to  $3,760,000,000;  in  1924,  a  trifle  over  $4,000,- 
000,000,  and  in  1925  was  $4,210,000,000.  In  1925  banks  in 
the  United  States  had  some  forty  branches  in  various  Latin 
American  cities.  Figures  compiled  by  our  Department  of 
Commerce  show  that  in  1910  our  exports  to  Latin  America, 
including  the  Guianas  and  all  the  West  Indies  except  Porto 
Rico,  amounted  to  $279,663,000  and  our  imports  from  there 
amounted   to  $408,837,000.     Last  year  the  exports  were 


$882,315,000  and  the  imports  $1,041,122,000.  Our  exports 
to  the  four  Republics  of  Argentina,  Brazil,  Chile,  and 
Mexico  increased  from  $141,615,000  in  1910  to  $420,211,000 
in  1925.  Our  imports  from  these  countries  increased  in 
this  fifteen  year  period  from  $217,240,000  to  $569,771,000.  It 
may  be  interesting  to  compare  these  1925  figures  with  those 
for  our  total  foreign  trade  in  that  year,  which  were:  Ex- 
ports, $4,909,396,000;  imports,  $4,227,995,000.  Thus  we 
see  nearly  one-fifth  of  all  our  exports  went  to  Latin 
America  and  practically  one-fourth  of  our  imports  came 
from  there.  While  they  have  our  mining  and  printing  ma- 
chinery, locomotives,  sewing  machines,  cash  registers, 
phonographs,  radio,  typewriters,  and  other  implements,  we 
need  and  have  their  very  valuable  raw  products. 

Their  cities  are  developing  as  rapidly  as  our  own  and 
some  seem  to  have  surpassed  ours  in  the  magnificence  of 
their  buildings  and  in  the  extent  of  their  city-planning 
activities.  If  all  our  citizens  here  do  not  yet  realize  fully 
that  Latin  America  is  as  progressive  as  the  United  States; 
and  if  some  Latin  Americans,  as  I  have  been  told  is  the  case, 
are  prone  to  feel  that  this  country  is  interested  in  material 
things  alone,  I  am  sure  it  may  be  explained  by  the  lack 
of  that  knowledge  which  comes  from  personal  contact 
through  travel  and  by  the  mutual  inadequacy  of  news  re- 
ports of  the  significant  facts  and  developments  in  the  re- 
spective countries.  With  the  increase  of  transportation 
facilities  between  our  Republics  travel  will  increase.  And 
there  can  be  no  douot  you  publishers  and  editors  are  con- 
stantly striving  to  enlarge  and  improve  your  dissemination 
of  vital  news  concerning  the  different  people  of  the  Western 

No  newspapers  in  the  world  have  a  higher  rank  than 
some  of  those  in  Latin  America.  I  understand  the  amount 
of  cable  matter  contained  in  our  own  press  for  a  good 
many  years  did  not  begin  to  compare  with  what  was  to  be 


found  in  the  leading  dailies  of  the  Southern  Republics. 
Several  of  these  newspapers  have  buildings  equal,  if  not 
superior,  to  those  in  our  country.  One  newspaper  in  par- 
ticular is  notable  for  public  service  outside  the  mere  publi- 
cation of  news.  It  maintains  free  legal  and  medical  bureaus, 
and  showrooms  for  the  display  of  things  intimately  con- 
nected with  agricultural,  stock-raising,  and  the  chemical 
industries.  Also,  it  furnishes  auditoriums  for  lectures,  plays, 
concerts,  and  other  gatherings.  It  approaches  a  university. 
The  high  esteem  in  which  these  pages  are  deservedly  held 
throughout  the  world  has  been  built  up  by  the  character 
of  the  men  who  have  guided  them.  It  is  particularly  grati- 
fying to  have  present  at  this  gathering  men  whose  character 
and  reputation  are  recognized  internationally,  including 
one  who  bears  a  name  which  for  three  generations  has  stood 
for  the  best  in  journalism. 

The  First  Congress  of  Journalists  was  a  fine  idea.  I 
hope  it  will  achieve  all  that  its  promoters  could  wish.  It 
seems  to  me  it  would  be  well  if  your  gathering  could  be  re- 
peated periodically,  possibly  alternating  between  Latin 
America  and  the  United  States.  Such  meetings  can  not  fail 
to  have  far-reaching  consequences,  not  only  in  the  preserva- 
tion of  the  most  cordial  good  feeling  existing  among  our 
respective  nations  but  also  in  the  drawing  together  of  our 
peoples  into  closer  bonds  of  sympathetic  understanding.  It 
should  result  in  a  better  comprehension  that,  after  all,  we 
of  the  Western  Hemisphere  are  one  people  striving  for  a 
common  purpose,  animated  by  common  ideals  and  bound 
together  in  a  common  destiny.  Unto  us  has  been  bequeathed 
the  precious  heritage  and  the  high  obligation  of  developing 
and  consecrating  a  new  world  to  the  great  cause  of  hu- 



The  whole  system  of  American  Government 
rests  on  the  ballot  box.  Unless  citizens  perform 
their  duties  there,  such  a  system  of  government 
is  doomed  to  failure. 


Coming  to  address  the  Thirty-fifth  Continental  Congress 
of  the  National  Society  of  the  Daughters  of  the  American 
Revolution  reminds  me  that  I  have  had  that  privilege 
several  times  in  the  past.  You  represent  one  of  the  most 
distinguished  patriotic  orders  of  our  Nation  in  cherishing 
the  memory  of  the  people  and  the  record  of  the  events  of 
the  great  struggle  which  resulted  in  American  independence. 
It  is  a  marked  honor  to  be  invited  to  speak  in  your  presence. 
But  I  do  not  wish  to  be  the  sole  recipient  of  such  oppor- 
tunity. Perhaps  you  might  profit  by  some  change  in  the 
future.  In  a  fresh  view  of  a  great  period,  animated  by  a 
great  purpose,  consecrated  by  a  great  result,  you  are  more 
likely  to  secure  a  much  larger  inspiration. 

In  Massachusetts  the  19th  of  April  is  known  as  Patriots 
Day.  It  is  honored  and  set  apart.  The  whole  Nation  is 
coming  more  and  more  to  observe  it.  As  the  time  lengthens 
from  the  occurrences  of  1775,  its  significance  becomes  more 
apparent  and  its  importance  more  real.  It  stands  out  as 
one  of  the  great  days  in  history,  not  because  it  can  be  said 
the  American  Revolution  actually  began  then,  but  because 
on  that  occasion  it  became  apparent  that  the  patriots  were 
determined  to  defend  their  rights. 

The  Revolutionary  period  has  always  appeared  to  me  to 
be  significant  for  three  definite  reasons:  The  people  of  that 
day  had  ideals  for  the  advancement  of  human  welfare. 
They  kept  their  ideals  within  the  bounds  of  what  was  prac- 
tical, according  to  the  results  of  past  experience.    They  did 

At  Washington,  April  19th  1926,  before  the  Daughters  of  the  American 



not  hesitate  to  make  the  necessary  sacrifice  to  establish 
those  ideals  in  a  workable  form  of  political  institutions.  As 
I  have  examined  the  record  of  your  society,  I  believe  that 
it  is  devoted  to  the  same  principles  of  practical  idealism 
enshrined  in  institutions  by  sacrifice. 

This  is  but  the  natural  inheritance  of  those  who  are  de- 
scended from  Revolutionary  times.  In  this  day,  with  our 
broadened  view  of  the  importance  of  women  in  working 
out  the  destiny  of  mankind,  there  will  be  none  to  deny  that 
as  there  were  fathers  in  our  Republic  so  there  were  mothers. 
If  they  did  not  take  part  in  the  formal  deliberations,  yet 
by  their  abiding  faith  they  inspired  and  encouraged  the 
men;  by  their  sacrifice  they  performed  their  part  in  the 
struggle  out  of  which  came  our  country.  We  read  of  the 
flaming  plea  of  Hannah  Arnett,  which  she  made  on  a  dreary 
day  in  December,  1776,  when  Lord  Cornwallis,  victorious  at 
Fort  Lee,  held  a  strategic  position  in  New  Jersey.  A  group 
of  the  Revolutionists,  weary  and  discouraged,  were  discus- 
sing the  advisability  of  giving  up  the  struggle.  Casting 
aside  the  proprieties  which  forbade  a  woman  to  interfere  in 
the  counsels  of  men,  Hannah  Arnett  proclaimed  her  faith. 
In  eloquent  words,  which  at  once  shamed  and  stung  to 
action,  she  convinced  her  husband  and  his  companions  that 
righteousness  must  win.  Who  has  not  heard  of  Molly 
Pitcher,  whose  heroic  services  at  the  Battle  of  Monmouth 
helped  the  sorely  tried  army  of  George  Washington!  We 
have  been  told  of  the  unselfish  devotion  of  the  women  who 
gave  their  own  warm  garments  to  fashion  clothing  for  the 
suffering  Continental  Army  during  that  .bitter  winter  at 
Valley  Forge.  The  burdens  of  the  war  were  not  all  borne 
by  the  men. 

Such  a  record  made  it  eminently  fitting  that  in  the  course 
of  time  there  should  be  founded  the  Daughters  of  the 
American  Revolution.  Starting  in  1890,  small  in  numbers 
but  great  in  purpose,  it  is  little  wonder  your  society  has 



grown  great  in  membership  and  influence.  From  four  chap- 
ters and  390  members  at  the  end  of  the  first  six  months,  it 
has  reached  a  total  enrollment  of  more  than  156,000,  and  a 
chapter  roll  of  over  2,000.  In  recent  years  there  have  been 
periods  when  new  members  have  been  taken  in  at  the  rate 
of  1,000  a  month.  Truly,  a  powerful  force  for  good  in  our 
country — such  a  body  of  high-minded  women  with  such  a 
heritage  of  sacrifice  and  devotion  to  an  ideal!  What  possi- 
bilities for  future  service  rest  in  such  a  devoted  body  of 
citizens ! 

I  have  been  reading  your  constitution  and  considering 
the  objects  of  your  society  there  set  forth.  It  declares  your 
purpose : 

"To  perpetuate  the  memory  and  spirit  of  the  men  and 
women  who  achieved  American  independence,  by  the  ac- 
quisition and  protection  of  historical  spots,  and  the  erection 
of  monuments  *  *  *." 

How  well  this  has  been  carried  out  is  known  to  all  who 
have  visited  such  spots.  That  it  has  been  done  is  a  reason 
for  your  existence.  Who  can  measure  the  inspiration  that 
may  be  drawn  from  such  symbols  of  heroic  deeds ! 

You  have  encouraged  research  into  Revolutionary  his- 
tory, published  the  results,  aided  in  the  preservation  of 
documents  and  relics,  of  the  individual  service  records  of 
soldiers  and  patriots.  You  have  promoted  the  celebration 
of  patriotic  anniversaries.  Worthy  acts  of  service  to  the 
Nation,  each  and  every  one! 

You  undertake  to  promote  institutions  for  the  diffusion 
of  knowledge  to  the  end  that  there  may  be  developed  "the 
largest  capacity  for  performing  the  duties  of  American 
citizens."  You  have  added  to  your  endeavors  of  this  char- 
acter the  very  practical  and  necessary  work  of  helping  the 
foreign  born  to  understand  and  acquire  the  full  benefit  of 
living  in  America. 

But  it  is  the  third  and  last,  and  the  most  important,  para- 


graph  of  your  declaration  of  purpose  that  arouses  the  keen- 
est interest.    In  it  you  say  it  shall  be  your  endeavor : 

"To  cherish,  maintain,  and  extend  the  institutions  of 
American  freedom,  to  foster  true  patriotism  and  love  of 
country,  and  to  aid  in  securing  for  mankind  all  the  blessings 
of  liberty."  These  are  principles  worthy  of  the  best  support 
that  the  country  can  give.  Yet,  it  is  not  beyond  the  capa- 
city of  the  humblest  citizen  to  make  some  contribution  for 
their  establishment.  However  exalted  is  the  conception  of 
our  institutions,  they  are  not  beyond  the  reach  of  the  com- 
mon run  of  people.  They  are  ideal,  but  they  are  practical. 
They  rest  on  the  every-day  virtues — honesty,  industry,  and 
thrift.  As  the  overwhelming  mass  of  our  people  are  thor- 
oughly loyal  to  these  principles,  we  can  feel  a  warranted 
assurance  that  the  foundations  of  our  institutions  are  secure. 

But  while  we  are  justified  in  the  assumption  that  the 
heart  of  the  people  is  sound,  and  that  they  are  moved 
by  worthy  motives,  it  can  not  be  denied  that  we  always 
have  and  do  now  suffer  from  many  minor  afflictions.  That 
would  be  disturbing  if  one  did  not  realize  that  more  serious 
maladies  have  been  met  and  overcome  in  the  past,  and  that 
there  is  every  reason  to  believe  that  our  people  have  suffi- 
cient character  to  meet  the  requirements  of  the  present 

Our  Republic  gives  to  its  citizens  great  opportunities, 
and  under  it  they  have  achieved  greater  blessings  than  ever 
came  to  any  other  people.  It  is  exceedingly  wholesome  to 
stop  and  contemplate  that  undisputed  fact  from  time  to 
time.  Then,  it  is  necessary  to  contemplate  the  inescapable 
corollary  that  the  enjoyment  and  perpetuation  of  these 
conditions  necessarily  lay  upon  our  people  the  obligation 
of  a  corresponding  service  and  sacrifice.  Citizenship  in 
America  is  not  a  private  enterprise,  but  a  public  function. 
Although  I  have  indicated  that  it  is  my  firm  conviction  that 
this  requirement  will  be  met,  it  can  not  be  denied  that  if 


it  is  not  met  disaster  will  overtake  the  whole  fabric  of  our 

Our  very  success  and  prosperity  have  brought  with  them 
their  own  perils.  It  can  not  be  denied  that  in  the  splendor 
and  glamour  of  our  life  the  moral  sense  is  sometimes 
blinded.  It  can  not  be  disputed  that  in  too  many  quarters 
there  is  a  lack  of  reverence  for  authority  and  of  obedience 
to  law.  Such  occurrences  are  sporadic  and  produce  their 
own  remedy.  When  society  finds  that  its  life  and  property 
are  in  peril  from  evildoers,  it  is  very  quick  to  organize  its 
forces  for  its  own  protection.  That  can  not  fail  to  be  done 
in  our  country,  for  our  people  as  a  whole  are  thoroughly 

It  is  not  in  violence  and  crime  that  our  greatest  danger 
lies.  These  evils  are  so  perfectly  apparent  that  they  very 
quickly  arouse  the  moral  power  of  the  people  for  their  sup- 
pression. A  far  more  serious  danger  lurks  in  the  shirking  of 
those  responsibilities  of  citizenship,  where  the  evil  may  not 
be  so  noticeable  but  is  more  insidious  and  likely  to  be  more 

We  live  in  a  republic.  A  vital  principle  of  that  form  of 
government  is  representation.  More  and  more  as  our  popu- 
lation increases  it  becomes  necessary  for  the  people  to  ex- 
press their  will  through  their  duly  chosen  delegates.  If 
we  are  to  maintain  the  principle  that  governments  derive 
their  just  powers  from  the  consent  of  the  governed,  if  we 
are  to  have  any  measure  of  self-government,  if  the  voice 
of  the  people  is  to  rule,  if  representatives  are  truly  to  reflect 
the  popular  will,  it  is  altogether  necessary  that  in  each 
election  there  should  be  a  fairly  full  participation  by  all 
the  qualified  voters. 

This  is  very  far  from  being  the  case  in  recent  years.  Since 
1880  there  has  been  a  marked  increase  in  the  tendency  to 
remain  away  from  the  polls  on  the  part  of  those  entitled  to 
vote.    But,  despite  a  steady  decline  in  the  vote  in  the  five 


presidential  elections  in  the  period  1880-1896,  there  was  a 
voting  average  of  80  per  cent.  Out  of  every  100  persons 
entitled  to  vote  80  went  to  the  polls.  For  the  last  two 
presidential  elections  the  average  has  been  less  than  50 
per  cent,  and  that  in  the  face  of  a  sincere  effort  on  the  part 
of  numerous  organizations  to  get  out  the  vote.  In  this 
effort  it  is  reported  many  Daughters  of  the  American  Revo- 
lution took  part.  From  its  early  inception  the  town  meet- 
ing, featuring  New  England  life,  an  example  of  pure  democ- 
racy, was  generally  well  attended.  Although  representative 
government  did  not  originate  here,  our  form  of  representa- 
tive democracy  is  our  own  product.  The  national  election 
day  was  fixed  in  the  Constitution,  and  most  of  the  States 
accepted  that  first  Tuesday  after  the  first  Monday  in  No- 
vember as  the  day  upon  which  the  voters  should  choose 
their  local  officials.  Election  day  in  the  olden  times  was 
generally  considered  more  or  less  sacred — one  to  be  devoted 
to  the  discharge  of  the  obligations  of  citizenship. 

In  the  intervening  years  customs  and  habits  have 
changed.  Opportunities  for  recreation  have  increased.  Our 
entire  mode  of  life  has  been  recast  through  invention,  the 
great  growth  of  cities,  and  for  other  reasons.  Undoubtedly, 
this  has  been  responsible  in  no  small  measure  for  the  wide- 
spread disregard  on  the  part  of  so  many  of  our  citizens  of 
the  privilege  and  duty  of  voting.  But  back  of  these  condi- 
tions there  are  probably  some  deeper  and  more  funda- 
mental reasons. 

It  was  hoped  that  giving  the  vote  to  women  would  arouse 
a  more  general  interest  in  the  obligations,  of  election  day. 
That  has  not  yet  proved  to  be  the  case.  The  presidential 
election  in  1920  was  the  first  after  the  adoption  of  the  uni- 
versal suffrage  amendment.  There  is  no  way  to  divide  the 
total  vote  cast  by  men  and  women.  But,  after  that  election 
some  rather  complicated  calculations  were  made  based  on 
the  assumption  that  the  accession  of  women  might  be  pre- 


sumed  to  double  the  vote.  The  calculators  reached  the 
conclusion  that  of  the  approximate  27,000,000  votes  cast 
only  37  per  cent  represented  the  votes  of  women.  Some  say 
the  percentage  of  feminine  vote  was  greater  in  1924.  Others 
say  it  was  less. 

I  am  not  disposed  to  accept  these  conclusions  as  alto- 
gether fair  to  the  women.  And  it  stands  to  reason  that  it 
would  take  some  time  for  them  to  become  used  to  exer- 
cising the  privilege  which  had  belonged  to  the  men  of  this 
country  for  many  generations. 

It  is  not  my  purpose  to  draw  any  distinction  between  the 
men  and  the  women  as  to  the  extent  to  which  they  take 
advantage  of  their  privilege  and  perform  their  duty  at  the 
ballot  box.  But  rather  it  is  my  idea  to  call  your  attention 
to  the  startling  fact  that  in  the  last  two  presidential  elec- 
tions barely  50  per  cent  of  those  qualified  to  vote  have  done 
so.  In  the  senatorial  elections  in  off  years  the  voting  per- 
centage is  much  smaller. 

A  published  study  of  the  senatorial  vote  of  1922  revealed 
some  astonishing  facts.  In  not  a  few  of  the  States  the 
total  vote  cast  for  senatorial  candidates  was  less  than  50 
per  cent  of  the  total  possible  vote.  In  not  a  single  case 
did  the  successful  candidate  secure  anywhere  near  a  ma- 
jority of  the  total  possible  vote.  There  was  one  State  in 
which  the  percentage  was  42  and  another  in  which  it  was  33. 
From  that  it  ran  down  sharply  to  certain  States  where  the 
candidates  elected  received  as  low  as  7,  9,  or  10  per  cent  of 
the  total  possible  vote. 

If  we  are  to  keep  our  representative  form  of  government 
and  to  maintain  the  principle  that  the  majority  shall  rule, 
it  behooves  us  to  take  some  drastic  action  to  arouse  the 
voters  of  this  country  to  a  greater  interest  in  their  civic 
duties  on  election  day.  Many  remedies  have  been  pro- 
posed, from  disfranchisement  to  criminal  action.  The  most 
practical,  I  believe,  however,  is  for  all  bodies  of  men  and 


women  interested  in  the  welfare  of  this  country  to  join  to- 
gether under  some  efficient  form  of  organization  to  correct 
this  evil  which  has  been  coming  on  us  for  more  than  40 
years,  but  which  within  the  last  decade  has  become  most 

Having  in  mind  the  poor  showing  made  in  the  presi- 
dential election  of  1920,  an  effort  was  made  to  get  out  a 
larger  participation  on  election  day  in  1924.  Such  promi- 
nent bodies  as  the  National  Civic  Federation,  the  National 
League  of  Women  Voters,  the  American  Federation  of 
Labor,  the  Federal  Council  of  Churches  of  Christ  in 
America,  and  a  large  number  of  other  organizations,  busi- 
ness as  well  as  civic,  each  in  its  own  way,  attempted  to  get 
people  to  the  polls.  Members  of  the  Daughters  of  the 
American  Revolution  took  part  as  individuals  but  not  as 
an  organization,  I  understand.  When  the  vote  was  counted 
it  was  found  the  percentage  of  vote  cast  was  very  little 
greater  in  1924  than  in  1920.  One  of  those  most  earnestly 
interested  in  the  movement  writing  about  it  later  said: 

"Was  it  a  tragedy  or  was  it  a  farce — the  result  of  the 
great  and  more  or  less  spectacular  campaign  by  voluntary 
organizations  to  'Get  Out  the  Vote'?" 

Despite  all  this  effort  the  percentage  of  those  voting  was 
barely  50.  The  question  naturally  arises,  Had  it  not  been 
for  all  this  work  would  not  the  decline  have  reached  an 
extraordinary  and  a  humiliatingly  low  point?  The  very  fact 
that  there  was  little  net  increase  after  all  the  self-sacrificing 
and  disinterested  work  would  seem  to  show  clearly  the  grow- 
ing strength  of  the  tendency  to  remain  away  from  the  polls 
on  election  day. 

Led  by  our  example,  country  after  country  in  various 
parts  of  the  world  has  adopted  a  representative  form  of  gov- 
ernment and  extended  its  franchise  for  the  election  of 
parliamentary  bodies.  There  was  a  time  when  America 
led  the  world  in  getting  out  the  vote.    It  is  not  pleasant 


to  find  that  now  we  have  dropped  far  behind  some  of  the 
other  nations  in  our  participation  in  popular  elections.  We 
are  told  that  82  per  cent  of  the  men  and  women  qualified 
to  vote  went  to  the  polls  in  the  parliamentary  elections  in 
England  and  Wales  in  1922.  The  British  electorate  is 
maintaining  a  voting  average  of  60  per  cent  better  than 
ours.  In  Germany  in  1920  the  vote  approximated  75  per 
cent  of  the  total  electorate.  And  it  is  estimated  that  in 
1924  this  was  increased  to  82  per  cent.  In  1921  in  Canada, 
in  voting  for  members  of  the  lower  House  of  Parliament, 
a  little  over  70  per  cent  of  the  voting  population  partici- 
pated. Over  a  period  of  21  years  Australia  has  maintained 
an  average  of  somewhat  better  than  70  per  cent.  The  per- 
centage in  Italy  in  1923  was  64. 

The  perilous  aspect  of  this  situation  lies  in  its  insidious- 
ness.  With  the  broadening  of  popular  powers,  the  direct 
election  of  practically  all  public  officials,  and  the  direct 
nomination  of  most  of  them,  there  is  no  opportunity  for  1m 
expression  of  the  public  will  except  at  the  ballot  box.  It  is 
perfectly  evident  that  all  those  who  have  selfish  interests 
will  go  to  the  polls  and  will  be  active  and  energetic  in  se- 
curing support  for  their  proposals  and  their  candidates. 
The  average  voter  supports  what  he  believes  to  be  the  pub- 
lic interest.  Unless  they  appear  on  election  day  that  inter- 
est will  go  unrepresented. 

As  our  resources  increase,  as  the  relationship  between 
individuals  becomes  more  intricate,  the  Government  be- 
comes more  and  more  important.  We  do  not  need  to  fear 
a  frontal  attack  upon  it.  Whenever  the  public  scents  that 
it  is  in  danger,  they  will  be  quick  enough  to  give  it  ade- 
quate support.  It  is  only  the  approach  of  some  silent  and 
unrecognized  peril  that  needs  to  give  us  alarm.  Such  a 
situation  will  develop  if  the  Government  ceases  to  repre- 
sent the  people  because  the  public  has  become  inarticulate. 
We  are  placing  our  reliance  on  the  principle  of  self-govern- 


ment.  We  expect  there  will  be  mistakes,  but  they  will  be 
the  mistakes  which  the  people  themselves  make,  because 
they  control  their  own  Government.  But  if  the  people 
fail  to  vote,  a  government  will  be  developed  which  is  not 
their  government. 

This  is  not  a  partisan  question,  but  a  patriotic  question. 
Your  society,  which  is  organized  "to  cherish,  maintain,  and 
extend  the  institutions  of  American  freedom,"  may  well 
take  a  leading  part  in  arousing  public  sentiment  to  the  peril 
that  arises  when  the  average  citizen  fails  to  vote.  The 
women  of  the  country  ought  to  be  especially  responsive  to 
an  appeal  from  you.  I  feel  quite  certain  that  with  the  men 
it  would  be  almost  irresistible.  The  American  people  have 
been  especially  responsive  in  meeting  the  requirements  of 
taxation.  They  ought  to  be  even  more  responsive  in  meet- 
ing the  requirements  of  voting.  The  whole  system  of  Amer- 
ican Government  rests  on  the  ballot  box.  Unless  citizens 
perform  their  duties  there,  such  a  system  of  government 
is  doomed  to  failure. 



The  strength  and  hope  of  civilization  lies  in  its 
power  to  adapt  itself  to  changing  circumstances. 
Development  and  character  are  not  passive  ac- 
complishments. They  can  be  secured  only 
through  action.  The  strengthening  of  the  phys- 
ical body,  the  sharpening  of  the  senses,  the 
quickening  of  the  intellect,  are  all  the  result  of 
that  mighty  effort  which  we  call  the  struggle  for 


The  strength  and  hope  of  civilization  lies  in  its  power 
to  adapt  itself  to  changing  circumstances.  Development  and 
character  are  not  passive  accomplishments.  They  can  be 
secured  only  through  action.  The  strengthening  of  the 
physical  body,  the  sharpening  of  the  senses,  the  quicken- 
ing of  the  intellect,  are  all  the  result  of  that  mighty  effort 
which  we  call  the  struggle  for  existence.  Down  through 
the  ages  it  was  carried  on  for  the  most  part  in  the  open, 
out  in  the  fields,  along  the  streams,  and  over  the  surface 
of  the  sea.  It  was  there  that  mankind  met  the  great  strug- 
gle which  has  been  waged  with  the  forces  of  nature.  We 
are  what  that  struggle  has  made  us.  When  the  race  ceases 
to  be  engaged  in  that  great  strength-giving  effort  the  race 
will  not  be  what  it  is  now — it  will  change  to  something 
else.  These  age-old  activities  or  their  equivalent  are  vital 
to  a  continuation  of  human  development.  They  are  in- 
valuable in  the  growth  and  training  of  youth. 

Towns  and  cities  and  industrial  life  are  very  recent  and 
modern  acquirements.  Such  an  environment  did  not  con- 
tribute to  the  making  of  the  race,  nor  was  it  bred  in  the 
lap  of  present-day  luxury.  It  was  born  of  adversity  and 
nurtured  by  necessity.  Though  the  environment  has  greatly 
changed,  human  nature  has  not  changed.  If  the  same 
natural  life  in  the  open  requiring  something  of  the  same 
struggle,  surrounded  by  the  same  elements  of  adversity  and 
necessity,  is  gradually  passing  away  in  the  experience  of 
the  great  mass  of  the  people;  if  the  old  struggle  with  na- 

Address  before  the  National  Council  of  the  Boy  Scouts  of  America, 
Washington,  D.  C,  May  1,  1926. 



ture  no  longer  goes  on;  if  the  usual  environment  has  been 
very  largely  changed,  it  becomes  exceedingly  necessary 
that  an  artificial  environment  be  created  to  supply  the 
necessary  process  for  a  continuation  of  the  development 
and  character  of  the  race.  The  cinder  track  must  be  sub- 
stituted for  the  chase. 

Art  therefore  has  been  brought  in  to  take  the  place  of 
nature.  One  of  the  great  efforts  in  that  direction  is  rep- 
resented by  the  Boy  Scout  movement.  It  was  founded  in 
the  United  States  in  1910.  In  September  of  that  year  the 
organization  was  given  a  great  impetus  by  the  visit  of  the 
man  whom  we  are  delighted  to  honor  this  evening,  Sir 
Robert  Baden-Powell.  This  distinguished  British  general 
is  now  known  all  over  the  world  as  the  originator  of  this 
idea.  That  it  has  been  introduced  into  almost  every  civil- 
ized country  must  be  to  him  a  constant  source  of  great 
gratification.  The  first  annual  meeting  was  held  in  the 
East  Room  of  the  White  House  in  February,  1911,  when 
President  Taft  made  an  address,  and  each  of  his  successors 
has  been  pleased  to  serve  as  the  honorary  president  of  the 
association.  It  has  been  dignified  by  a  Federal  charter 
granted  by  the  Congress  to  the  Boy  Scouts  of  America  in 
1916,  and  thereby  ranks  in  the  popular  mind  with  the  only 
two  other  organizations  which  have  been  similarly  honored, 
the  Red  Cross  and  the  American  Legion. 

The  Boy  Scouts  have  been  fortunate  in  enlisting  the  in- 
terest of  prominent  men  of  our  country  to  serve  as  the 
active  head  of  the  organization.  For  the  current  year  that 
position  was  held  by  no  less  a  figure  thari  the  late  James 
J.  Storrow.  His  untimely  taking  off  was  a  sad  experience  to 
all  of  us  who  knew  him.  I  cherished  him  personally  as  a 
friend.  I  admired  him  for  the  broad  public  spirit  that  he 
always  exhibited.  Amid  all  the  varied  and  exacting  ac- 
tivities as  one  of  our  foremost  business  men,  he  yet  found 
time  to  devote  his  thought  and  energy  and  personal  atten- 


tion  to  the  advancement  of  this  movement.  His  memory 
will  constantly  bring  to  us  all  that  sentiment  which  he  ut- 
tered in  the  New  Year  message  that  he  gave  to  the  scouts, 
in  expressing  the  hope  that  it  might  bring  "A  more  vivid 
realization  that  it  is  the  spirit  and  the  spiritual  sides  of 
life  that  count." 

The  more  I  have  studied  this  movement,  its  inception, 
purposes,  organization,  and  principles,  the  more  I  have  been 
impressed.  Not  only  is  it  based  on  the  fundamental  rules 
of  right  thinking  and  acting  but  it  seems  to  embrace  in  its 
code  almost  every  virtue  needed  in  the  personal  and  social 
life  of  mankind.  It  is  a  wonderful  instrument  for  good. 
It  is  an  inspiration  to  you  whose  duty  and  privilege  it  is 
to  widen  its  horizon  and  extend  its  influence.  If  every 
boy  in  the  United  States  between  the  ages  of  twelve  and 
seventeen  could  be  placed  under  the  wholesome  influences  of 
the  scout  program  and  should  live  up  to  the  scout  oath  and 
rules,  we  would  hear  fewer  pessimistic  words  as  to  the  future 
of  our  Nation. 

The  boy  on  becoming  a  scout  binds  himself  on  his  honor 
to  do  his  best,  as  the  oath  reads : 

"1.  To  do  my  duty  to  God  and  my  country,  and  to  obey 
the  scout  law. 

"2.  To  help  other  people  at  all  times. 

"3.  To  keep  myself  physically  strong,  mentally  awake, 
and  morally  straight." 

The  twelve  articles  in  these  scout  laws  are  not  prohibi- 
tions, but  obligations;  affirmative  rules  of  conduct.  Mem- 
bers must  promise  to  be  trustworthy,  loyal,  helpful,  friendly, 
courteous,  kind,  obedient,  cheerful,  thrifty,  brave,  clean, 
and  reverent.  How  comprehensive  this  list!  What  a  for- 
mula for  developing  moral  and  spiritual  character!  What 
an  opportunity  for  splendid  service  in  working  to  strengthen 
their  observance  by  all  scouts  and  to  extend  their  influence 


to  all  boys  eligible  for  membership !  It  would  be  a  perfect 
world  if  everyone  exemplified  these  virtues  in  daily  life. 

Acting  under  these  principles,  remarkable  progress  has 
been  made.  Since  1910,  3,000,000  boys  in  the  United  States 
have  been  scouts — one  out  of  every  seven  eligible.  Who 
can  estimate  the  physical,  mental,  and  spiritual  force  that 
would  have  been  added  to  our  national  life  during  this  period 
if  the  other  six  also  had  been  scouts? 

On  January  1,  1926,  there  was  an  enrollment  of  nearly 
600,000  boys,  directed  by  165,000  volunteer  leaders  and  di- 
vided among  23,000  troops.  Such  is  the  field  that  has  been 
cultivated.  The  great  need  now  is  for  more  leaders,  in- 
spired for  service  and  properly  equipped  to  carry  out  the 
program.  It  is  estimated  that  1,000,000  additional  boys 
could  be  enrolled  immediately  if  adequate  leadership  could 
be  provided.  We  can  not  do  too  much  honor  to  the  500,000 
men  who  in  the  past  sixteen  years  have  given  freely  of  their 
time  and  energy  as  scout  masters  and  assistant  scout  mas- 
ters. Such  service  is  service  to  God  and  to  country.  The 
efforts  to  get  more  devoted  volunteers  and  to  find  and 
train  those  fitted  and  willing  to  make  this  their  life  work 
is  worthy  of  the  most  complete  success. 

Because  the  principles  of  this  movement  are  affirmative, 
I  believe  they  are  sound.  The  boy  may  not  be  merely 
passive  in  his  allegiance  to  righteousness.  He  must  be  an 
active  force  in  his  home,  his  church  and  his  community. 
Too  few  people  have  a  clear  realization  of  the  real  purposes 
of  the  Boy  Scouts.  In  the  popular  mind  the  program  is 
arranged  for  play,  for  recreation,  is  designed  solely  to  utilize 
the  spare  time  of  the  boy  in  such  a  way  that  he  may  develop 
physically  while  engaged  in  pleasurable  pursuits.  This  is 
but  a  faint  conception,  one  almost  wholly  misleading.  The 
program  is  a  means  to  an  end.  Its  fundamental  object  is 
to  use  modern  environment  in  character  building  and  train- 
ing for  citizenship. 


Character  is  what  a  person  is;  it  represents  the  aggregate 
of  distinctive  mental  and  moral  qualities  belonging  to  an  in- 
dividual or  a  race.  Good  character  means  a  mental  and 
moral  fiber  of  high  order,  one  which  may  be  woven  into 
the  fabric  of  the  community  and  State,  going  to  make  a 
great  nation — great  in  the  broadest  meaning  of  that  word. 

The  organization  of  the  scouts  is  particularly  suitable  for 
a  representative  democracy  such  as  ours,  where  our  institu- 
tions rest  on  the  theory  of  self-government  and  public  func- 
tions are  exercised  through  delegated  authority.  The  boys 
are  taught  to  practice  the  basic  virtues  and  principles  of 
right  living  and  to  act  for  themselves  in  according  with 
such  virtues  and  principles.  They  learn  self-direction  and 

The  organization  is  not  intended  to  take  the  place  of 
the  home  or  religion,  but  to  supplement  and  cooperate  with 
those  important  factors,  in  our  national  life.  We  hear 
much  talk  of  the  decline  in  the  influence  of  religion,  of  the 
loosening  of  the  home  ties,  of  the  lack  of  discipline — all 
tending  to  break  down  reverence  and  respect  for  the  laws 
of  God  and  of  man.  Such  thought  as  I  have  been  able  to 
give  to  the  subject  and  such  observations  as  have  come 
within  my  experience  have  convinced  me  that  there  is 
no  substitute  for  the  influences  of  the  home  and  of  re- 
ligion. These  take  hold  of  the  innermost  nature  of  the 
individual  and  play  a  very  dominant  part  in  the  formation 
of  personality  and  character.  This  most  necessary  and 
most  valuable  service  has  to  be  performed  by  the  parents, 
or  it  is  not  performed  at  all.  It  is  the  root  of  the  family 
life.  Nothing  else  can  ever  take  its  place.  These  duties 
can  be  performed  by  foster  parents  with  partial  success, 
but  any  attempt  on  the  part  of  the  Government  to  function 
in  these  directions  breaks  down  almost  entirely.  The  Boy 
Scout  movement  can  never  be  a  success  as  a  substitute  but 
only  as  an  ally  of  strict  parental  control  and  family  life  un- 


der  religious  influences.  Parents  can  not  shift  their  re- 
sponsibility. If  they  fail  to  exercise  proper  control,  nobody 
else  can  do  it  for  them. 

The  last  item  in  the  scout  "duodecalogue"  is  impressive. 
It  declares  that  a  scout  shall  be  reverent.  "He  is  reverent 
toward  God,"  the  paragraph  reads.  "He  is  faithful  in  his  re- 
ligious duties,  and  respects  the  convictions  of  others  in  mat- 
ters of  custom  and  religion."  In  the  past  I  have  declared 
my  conviction  that  our  Government  rests  upon  religion; 
that  religion  is  the  source  from  which  we  derive  our  rever- 
ence for  truth  and  justice,  for  equality  and  liberty,  and  for 
the  rights  of  mankind.  So  wisely  and  liberally  is  the  Boy 
Scout  movement  designed  that  the  various  religious  de- 
nominations have  found  it  a  most  helpful  agency  in  arousing 
and  maintaining  interest  in  the  work  of  their  various  so- 
cieties. This  has  helped  to  emphasize  in  the  minds  of 
youth  the  importance  of  teaching  our  boys  to  respect  the 
religious  opinions  and  social  customs  of  others. 

The  scout  theory  takes  the  boy  at  an  age  when  he  is 
apt  to  get  ensnared  in  the  complexities  and  false  values  of 
our  latter-day  life,  and  it  turns  his  attention  toward  the 
simple,  the  natural,  the  genuine.  It  provides  a  program 
for  the  utilization  of  his  spare  time  outside  his  home  and 
school  and  church  duties.  While  ofttimes  recreational,  it 
is  in  the  best  sense  constructive.  It  aims  to  give  a  useful 
outlet  for  the  abundant  energies  of  the  boy,  to  have  valu- 
able knowledge  follow  innate  curiosity,  to  develop  skill  and 
self-reliance — the  power  to  bring  things  to  pass — by  teach- 
ing one  how  to  use  both  the  hand  and  the  head.  In  the 
city-bred  boy  is  developed  love  for  the  country,  a  realiza- 
tion of  what  nature  means,  of  its  power  to  heal  the  wounds 
and  to  soothe  the  frayed  nerves  incident  to  modern  civil- 
ization. He  learns  that  in  the  woods  and  on  the  hillside,  on 
the  plain,  and  by  the  stream,  he  has  a  chance  to  think  upon 
the  eternal  verities,  to  get  a  clarity  of  vision — a  chance 


which  the  confusion  and  speed  of  city  life  too  often  renders 
difficult  if  not  impossible  of  attainment.  There  is  a  very 
real  value  in  implanting  this  idea  in  our  boys.  When  they 
take  up  the  burdens  of  manhood  they  may  be  led  to  return 
to  the  simple  life  for  periods  of  physical,  mental,  and  spir- 
itual refreshment  and  reinvigoration. 

Scouting  very  definitely  teaches  that  rewards  come  only 
after  achievement  through  personal  effort  and  self-disci- 
pline. The  boy  enters  as  a  tenderfoot.  As  he  develops  he 
becomes  a  second-class  scout  and  then  a  first-class  scout. 
Still  there  is  before  him  the  opportunity,  in  accordance 
with  ability  and  hard  work,  to  advance  and  get  merit  badges 
for  proficiency  in  some  seventy  subjects  pertaining  to  the 
arts,  trades,  and  sciences.  It  is  interesting  to  learn  that  in 
the  year  1925,  195,000  merit  badges  were  awarded  as  com- 
pared with  140,000  in  1924.  Twenty-one  such  awards  make 
the  boy  an  "eagle  scout/'  the  highest  rank.  Not  only  does 
one  learn  to  do  things,  but  in  many  instances  he  learns  what 
he  can  do  best.  He  is  guided  to  his  life  work.  Vocational 
experts  will  tell  you  in  dollars  and  cents  what  this  means 
to  society  where  so  often  much  valuable  time  and  effort  is 
wasted  by  the  young  before  they  have  tested,  proven,  and 
trained  their  individual  powers. 

The  boy  learns  "to  be  prepared."  This  is  the  motto  of 
the  scouts.  They  are  prepared  to  take  their  proper  place 
in  life,  prepared  to  meet  any  unusual  situation  arising  in 
their  personal  or  civic  relations.  The  scout  is  taught  to  be 
courageous  and  self-sacrificing.  Individually  he  must  do 
one  good  deed  each  day.  He  is  made  to  understand  that  he 
is  a  part  of  organized  society;  that  he  owes  an  obligation 
to  that  society.  Among  the  many  activities  in  which  the 
scouts  have  rendered  public  service  are  those  for  the  pro- 
tection of  birds  and  wild  life  generally,  for  the  conservation 
of  natural  resources,  reforestation,  for  carrying  out  the 
"Safety  first"  idea.    They  have  taken  part  in  campaigns 


for  church  cooperation,  in  drives  against  harmful  literature, 
and  the  promotion  of  an  interest  in  wholesome,  worth- 
while reading.  In  many  communities  they  have  cooperated 
with  the  police  and  fire  departments.  In  some  instances 
they  have  studied  the  machinery  of  government  by  tem- 
porary and  volunteer  participation  in  the  city  and  State 
administration.  During  the  war  they  helped  in  the  Liberty 
Loan  campaigns,  and  more  recently  they  have  assisted  in 
"Get-out-the-vote"  movements. 

All  of  this  is  exceedingly  practical.  It  provides  a  method 
both  for  the  training  of  youth  and  adapting  him  to  mod- 
ern life.  The  age-old  principle  of  education  through  action 
and  character  through  effort  is  well  exemplified,  but  in  ad- 
dition the  very  valuable  element  has  been  added  of  a  train- 
ing for  community  life.  It  has  been  necessary  for  society 
to  discard  some  of  its  old  individualistic  tendencies  and 
promote  a  larger  liberty  and  a  more  abundant  life  by  coop- 
erative effort.  This  theory  has  been  developed  under  the 
principle  of  the  division  of  labor,  but  the  division  of  labor 
fails  completely  if  any  one  of  the  divisions  ceases  to  func- 

It  is  well  that  boys  should  learn  that  lesson  at  an  early 
age.  Very  soon  they  will  be  engaged  in  carrying  on  the 
work  of  the  world.  Some  will  enter  the  field  of  transporta- 
tion, some  of  banking,  some  of  industry,  some  of  agricul- 
ture; some  will  be  in  the  public  service,  in  the  police  de- 
partment, in  the  fire  department,  in  the  Post  Office  De- 
partment, in  the  health  department.  The  public  welfare, 
success,  and  prosperity  of  the  Nation  will  depend  upon 
the  proper  coordination  of  all  these  various  efforts  and  upon 
each  loyally  performing  the  service  undertaken.  It  will  no 
longer  do  for  those  who  have  assumed  the  obligation  to  so- 
ciety of  carrying  on  these  different  functions  to  say  that  as 
a  body  they  are  absolutely  free  and  independent  and  re- 
sponsible to  no  one  but  themselves.     The  public  interest 


is  greater  than  the  interest  of  any  one  of  these  groups,  and 
it  is  absolutely  necessary  that  this  interest  be  made  supreme. 
But  there  is  just  as  great  a  necessity  on  the  part  of  the 
public  to  see  that  each  of  these  groups  is  justly  treated. 
Otherwise,  government  and  society  will  be  thrown  into 
chaos.  On  each  one  of  us  rests  a  moral  obligation  to  do 
our  share  of  the  world's  work.    We  have  no  right  to  refuse. 

The  training  of  the  Boy  Scouts  fits  them  to  an  early 
realization  of  this  great  principle  and  adapts  them  in  habits 
and  thoughts  and  life  to  its  observances.  We  know  too 
well  what  fortune  overtakes  those  who  attempt  to  live  in 
opposition  to  these  standards.  They  become  at  once  right- 
fully and  truly  branded  as  outlaws.  However  much  they 
may  boast  of  their  freedom  from  all  restraints  and  their  dis- 
regard of  all  conventionalities  of  society,  they  are  immedi- 
ately the  recognized  foes  of  their  brethren.  Their  short 
existence  is  lived  under  greater  and  greater  restrictions,  in 
terror  of  the  law,  in  flight  from  arrest,  or  in  imprisonment. 
Instead  of  gaining  freedom,  they  became  the  slaves  of  their 
own  evil  doing,  realizing  the  scriptural  assertion  that  they 
who  sin  are  the  servants  of  sin  and  that  the  wages  of  sin 
is  death.  The  Boy  Scout  movement  has  been  instituted  in 
order  that  the  youth,  instead  of  falling  under  the  domina- 
tion of  habits  and  actions  that  lead  only  to  destruction, 
may  come  under  the  discipline  of  a  training  that  leads  to 
eternal  life.  They  learn  that  they  secure  freedom  and 
prosperity  by  observing  the  law. 

This  is  but  one  of  the  many  organizations  that  are  work- 
ing for  good  in  our  country.  Some  of  them  have  a  racial 
basis,  some  a  denominational  basis.  All  of  them  in  their 
essence  are  patriotic  and  religious.  Their  steady  growth 
and  widening  influence  go  very  far  to  justify  our  faith  in  the 
abiding  fitness  of  things.  We  can  not  deny  that  there  are 
evil  forces  all  about  us,  but  a  critical  examination  of  what 
is  going  on  in  the  world  can  not  fail  to  justify  the  belief 


that  wherever  these  powers  of  evil  may  be  located,  how- 
ever great  may  be  their  apparent  extent,  they  are  not  real- 
ities, and  somewhere  there  is  developing  an  even  greater 
power  of  good  by  which  they  will  be  overcome. 

We  need  a  greater  faith  in  the  strength  of  right  living. 
We  need  a  greater  faith  in  the  power  of  righteousness. 
These  are  the  realities  which  do  not  pass  away.  On  these 
everlasting  principles  rests  the  movement  of  the  Boy  Scouts 
of  America.  It  is  one  of  the  growing  institutions  by  which 
our  country  is  working  out  the  fulfillment  of  an  eternal 


No  method  of  procedure  has  ever  been  devised 
by  which  liberty  could  be  divorced  from  local 
self-government.  No  plan  of  centralization  has 
ever  been  adopted  which  did  not  result  in  bu- 
reaucracy, tyranny,  inflexibility,  reaction,  and 



Fellow  Americans: 

No  one  who  is  interested  in  the  early  beginnings  of 
America,  or  who  is  moved  by  love  of  our  country,  could 
come  into  these  historic  and  hallowed  surroundings  without 
being  conscious  of  a  deep  sense  of  reverence.  In  a  land 
which  is  rich  in  the  interesting  records  of  the  past,  that 
portion  of  Virginia  lying  between  Washington  and  Nor- 
folk stands  out  unrivaled  in  important  events  and  great 
names.  Colonial  importance,  Revolutionary  fame,  the 
statesmanship  of  the  early  Republic,  the  great  struggle 
for  the  supremacy  of  the  Union — these  epoch-making  stories 
can  not  be  told  without  relating  the  history  of  this  locality 
and  recounting  the  eminence  of  its  illustrious  sons.  Very 
much  of  this  narrative  centers  around  the  venerable  town 
of  Williamsburg  and  the  old  college  of  William  and  Mary. 

Within  this  locality  are  Jamestown,  where  the  English 
settlements  began,  and  Yorktown,  where  English  dominion 
ended.  From  Petersburg  to  Arlington  stretches  a  land 
marked  by  many  battle  fields  where  the  shedding  of  fra- 
ternal blood  rededicated  the  Constitution.  Here  began  the 
first  preparation  within  our  country  for  the  establishment 
of  a  college.  But  the  unfortunate  interruption  of  hostile 
natives  deferred  the  completion  of  the  project,  so  that  this 
institution  ranks  second  in  age  with  all  our  other  uni- 
versities. Here  are  the  three  capitals  of  this  sovereign 
Commonwealth.  If  the  work  which  is  represented  by  the 
great  names  which  have  been  associated  with  the  growth 

Address  at  the  College  of  William  and  Mary,  Williamsburg,  Va.,  May 
15,  1926. 



and  strength  of  this  region  were  struck  from  the  annals 
of  our  country,  the  richest  heritage  of  progress  and  fame 
that  ever  glorified  the  actions  of  a  people  would  sink  to 
comparative  poverty.  What  a  wealth  of  distinguished  fig- 
ures from  the  time  of  John  Smith  down  to  the  present  day ! 
I  can  not  relate  them  all,  these  statesmen  and  soldiers,  these 
founders  and  benefactors,  who  here  lived  and  wrought  with 
so  much  of  enduring  glory.  They  are  represented  by  such 
stalwart  characters  as  Patrick  Henry,  George  Mason,  Rich- 
ard Henry  Lee,  Thomas  Jefferson,  and  George  Washington. 
Later  came  Monroe,  Marshall,  Madison,  Randolph,  and 
Harrison,  with  a  long  list  of  associates  almost  equally  emi- 
nent in  the  history  of  our  country.  All  Americans.  It 
was  into  this  region  that  Abraham  Lincoln  made  his  last 
journey  from  Washington. 

This  richest  of  all  our  historical  settings  made  so  great 
an  appeal  to  me  when  I  was  approached  by  your  two  dis- 
tinguished Senators,  Mr.  Swanson  and  Mr.  Glass,  whom  I 
cherish  as  friends,  honor  for  their  devotion  to  their  country, 
and  esteem  for  the  support  they  have  often  given  when  we 
have  been  mutually  striving  for  sound  government,  bearing 
the  invitation  of  your  General  Assembly  to  participate  in 
the  observance  of  this  day,  which  was  supported  by 
Col.  Henry  W.  Anderson,  a  lawyer  who  has  contributed  so 
much  of  his  great  learning  and  talents  to  the  service  of 
his  country,  and  emphasized  by  my  former  secretary, 
Mr.  Slemp,  for  many  years  a  prominent  leader  in  Congress, 
a  man  whose  loyalty  and  devotion  has  imposed  upon  me  so 
much  obligation,  that  it  seemed  almost  a  patriotic  duty  to 

It  is  difficult  to  determine  where  or  when  the  great  move- 
ments in  human  progress  had  their  original  inception.  Our 
life  is  complex  and  interwoven  with  thousands  of  varying 
motives  and  cross  currents.  One  act  leads  to  another. 
Yet  certain  actions  stand  out  with  so  much  prominence 


against  the  background  of  the  past  that  we  are  justified 
in  saying  of  them  that  at  least  there  is  an  event  which 
is  one  of  the  beginnings  of  a  new  epoch.  In  accordance 
with  this  standard,  we  are  altogether  warranted  in  assert- 
ing that  150  years  ago,  on  the  15th  of  May,  1776,  formal 
action  was  taken  in  this  city  by  a  patriotic  band  of  loyal 
Virginians,  in  their  public  capacity  as  servants  of  the  com- 
mon cause  of  the  American  Colonies,  which  had  a  most 
direct  influence  in  leading  to  the  Declaration  of  Independ- 

It  is  not  necessary  at  this  time  to  relate  again  the  vari- 
ous events  that  preceded  and  caused  the  American  Revo- 
lution. The  people  of  this  Commonwealth  had  been  con- 
stantly alert  in  the  assertion  and  maintenance  of  their  con- 
stitutional rights  against  British  encroachment.  Under  the 
lead  of  Samuel  Adams,  the  Boston  town  meeting  in  May, 
1764,  adopted  resolutions  against  the  proposed  stamp  tax, 
but  the  first  formal  defiance  of  that  act  after  its  passage 
came  from  Virginia,  when  in  May,  1765,  Patrick  Henry 
introduced  a  series  of  resolutions  in  the  Assembly  declar- 
ing that  the  only  power  of  taxation  lay  in  the  people  them- 
selves, or  in  their  chosen  representatives. 

Again,  in  May,  1769,  the  House  of  Burgesses,  numbering 
among  its  membership  Washington,  Henry,  and  Jefferson, 
condemned  the  laws  of  Parliament  taxing  the  Colonies  and 
requested  other  Colonies  to  join  them  in  this  protest.  When 
the  governor  took  the  disciplinary  measure  of  adjourning 
them,  they  met  at  the  Raleigh  Tavern,  where  Washington 
prepared  a  resolution  pledging  themselves  to  continue  the 
policy  of  non-importation,  which  was  adopted.  Also  in 
March,  1773,  the  Virginia  Assembly  unanimously  voted  to 
establish  a  system  of  intercolonial  committees  of  corre- 
spondence. As  great  an  authority  as  John  Fiske  calls  this 
"the  most  decided  step  toward  revolution  that  had  yet 
been  taken  by  the  Americans."     This  original  suggestion 


appears  to  have  come  from  the  eminent  divine  Jonathan 
Mayhew,  who  suggested  to  James  Otis  that  the  communion 
of  churches  furnished  an  excellent  example  for  a  com- 
munion of  Colonies.  Again,  late  in  1772,  a  Boston  town 
meeting  had  taken  the  lead  in  adopting  a  committee  for 
correspondence  for  the  Colony  of  Massachusetts,  and  Sam- 
uel Adams  wrote  to  Richard  Henry  Lee,  who  had  a^eady 
expressed  the  same  idea,  urging  a  like  action  for  Virginia. 
But  in  March,  1773,  this  Colony  had  already  anticipated 
that  course  and  enlarged  upon  it  by  making  it  an  inter- 
colonial committee.  The  convocation  of  such  a  body  would 
result  in  the  setting  up  of  a  Congress  which  would  rep- 
resent the  united  authority  of  the  Colonies.  Events  moved 
rapidly,  and  in  the  closing  days  of  1775,  incensed  by  his 
tyranny,  a  body  of  patriots,  including  John  Marshall,  drove 
Lord  Dunmore,  the  governor,  out  of  Norfolk,  a  place  of 
9,000  inhabitants,  and  took  possession.  In  retaliation  the 
governor  set  fire  to  the  town  by  shells  from  the  harbor 
on  New  Year's  Day,  and  it  was  consumed. 

Confirming  my  statement  that  it  is  difficult  to  date  and 
locate  the  exact  beginning  of  any  event,  we  find  that  on 
the  22nd  of  April  the  people  of  Cumberland  County  adopted 
a  resolution  prepared  by  Carter  Henry  Harrison  instructing 
their  delegates  to  the  Virginia  Convention,  which  was  to 
meet  in  this  town  in  May,  "positively  to  declare  for  an  in- 
dependency" and  to  "promote  in  our  convention  an  instruc- 
tion to  our  delegates  now  sitting  in  Continental  Congress 
to  do  the  same."  A  like  sentiment  was  being  unofficially, 
though  publicly,  expressed  in  other  counties.  On  the  20th 
of  April  Lee  wrote  from  the  Congress  in  Philadelphia  to 
Henry  to  propose  in  the  coming  convention  a  separation  of 
the  Colonies  from  Great  Britain. 

It  was  on  the  6th  of  May,  1776,  that  there  assembled  at 
Williamsburg  a  convention  which  was  to  become  historic. 
It  was  presided  over  by  Edmund  Pendleton,  who  had  op- 


posed  the  stamp  act  resolutions  of  Patrick  Henry,  but  eleven 
years  and  the  wanton  cruelty  of  the  royal  governor  had 
made  a  great  change  in  the  public  opinion  of  the  Colony, 
and  he  had  become  a  loyal  supporter  of  independence.  He 
now  joined  with  Patrick  Henry  and  Meriwether  Smith  in 
drafting  resolutions  to  be  prosposed  by  Thomas  Nelson, 
which  refer  to  our  country  as  "America,"  and  after  setting 
out  the  grievances  that  it  had  endured  and  "appealing  to 
the  Searcher  of  Hearts  for  the  sincerity  of  former  declara- 
tions" and  a  discussion  in  which  Mason  and  Madison,  to 
be  known  to  future  fame,  took  part,  on  the  15th  of  May, 
1776,  it  was 

"Resolved  unanimously,  That  the  delegates  appointed  to 
represent  this  Colony  in  General  Congress  be  instructed  to 
propose  to  that  respectable  body  to  declare  the  United 
Colonies  free  and  independent  States,  absolved  from  all 
allegiance  to,  or  dependence  upon,  the  Crown  or  Parlia- 
ment of  Great  Britain;  and  that  they  give  the  assent  of 
this  Colony  to  such  declaration,  and  to  whatever  measures 
may  be  thought  proper  and  necessary  by  the  Congress  for 
forming  foreign  alliances,  and  a  confederation  of  the  Col- 
onies, at  such  time,  and  in  the  manner,  as  to  them  shall 
seem  best:  Provided,  That  the  power  of  forming  govern- 
ment for,  and  the  regulation  of  the  internal  concerns  of 
each  Colony,  be  left  to  respective  colonial  legislatures. 

Resolved  unanimously,  That  a  committee  be  appointed 
to  prepare  a  declaration  of  rights,  and  such  a  plan  of  gov- 
ernment as  will  be  most  likely  to  maintain  peace  and  order 
in  this  Colony  and  secure  substantial  and  equal  liberty 
to  the  people." 

The  import  of  these  resolutions  was  well  understood  in 
this  locality.  The  event  was  marked  that  evening  by  a 
celebration,  the  ringing  of  bells,  and  the  firing  of  guns. 
The  British  flag  went  down  at  the  statehouse  never  to  rise 


again,  and  in  its  place  was  flown  the  crosses  and  stripes, 
the  temporary  emblem  of  a  new  government. 

These  resolutions  coming  by  the  action  of  the  duly  con- 
stituted representatives  of  the  largest  of  the  Colonies  were 
of  an  importance  that  can  not  be  described  as  anything 
less  than  decisive  in  the  movement  for  independence. 
Other  localities  held  the  same  opinions,  but  this  action  of 
the  Old  Dominion  was  needed  to  make  such  opinions 
effective.  Richard  Henry  Lee  now  had  the  assurance  of 
the  support  of  his  constituents.  On  the  7th  of  June  he 
moved  the  Congress — 

"That  these  United  States  are,  and  of  right  ought  to  be, 
free  and  independent  States;  that  they  are  absolved  from 
all  allegiance  to  the  British  Crown,  and  that  all  political 
connection  between  them  and  the  State  of  Great  Britain 
is,  and  ought  to  be,  totally  dissolved;  that  it  is  expedient 
forthwith  to  take  the  most  effectual  measures  for  forming 
foreign  alliances;  that  a  plan  of  confederation  be  prepared 
and  transmitted  to  the  respective  Colonies  for  their  con- 
sideration and  approbation." 

This  motion  was  at  once  seconded  by  John  Adams,  of 
Massachusetts.  In  this  great  crisis  the  Pilgrim  and  the 
Cavalier  stood  side  by  side  united  in  the  common  cause  of 
human  liberty  under  constitutional  law. 

The  excellence  of  the  official  documents  of  the  Revolu- 
tionary period  has  often  been  remarked.  It  was  such  as 
to  draw  praise  from  the  foremost  British  statesmen.  In 
that  respect  the  Virginia  resolution  of  May  15  left  little 
to  be  desired.  They  are  characterized  by  a  most  admirable 
restraint,  clear  and  logical  in  their  presentation  of  facts, 
and  clothed  in  appropriate  language.  They  have  a  dignity 
and  strength  that  are  compelling  and  a  courage  and  re- 
serve that  are  convincing.  They  were  composed  by  no  or- 
dinary men.  Such  a  document  could  only  be  produced  by 
character  and  culture.     The  influences  which  had  flowed 



from  the  eighty-odd  years  of  existence  of  William  and  Mary 
College  can  not  be  separated  from  the  form  and  substance 
of  these  resolutions.  Into  their  making  went  all  that  was 
best  of  some  of  her  most  distinguished  sons. 

What  purpose  had  planted  these  institutions  of  learn- 
ing in  the  American  wilderness?  What  raised  up  Harvard, 
that  it  might  become  the  teacher  of  Otis  and  Hancock  and 
the  Adamses?  What  nourished  William  and  Mary,  that  it 
might  furnish  inspiration  to  Bland,  to  Wythe,  to  Nelson, 
and  to  Jefferson?  These  two  seminaries  had  a  common 
benefactor  in  the  famous  Robert  Boyle.  And  when  the 
wanton  ravages  of  war  reduced  this  once  flourishing  insti- 
tution that  had  spoken  so  boldly  in  the  cause  of  liberty  to 
a  state  that  left  little  but  the  vibrant  tones  of  the  college 
bell  and  the  fervent  prayers  of  a  devout  President,  it  was 
a  distinguished  son  of  Harvard,  Senator  Hoar,  who  plead 
her  just  cause  with  such  eloquence  in  the  Halls  of  Con- 
gress that  a  dilatory  Government  at  last  made  restitution 
for  a  part  of  the  damage  done,  that  this  seat  of  learning 
might  be  restored  to  take  its  active  place  again  as  a  citadel 
of  truth  and  liberty  and  righteousness.  No  one  can  con- 
template these  events  without  a  deep  realization  that  those 
who  participated  in  them  were  guided  by  an  inspired  vision. 

It  has  not  been  the  experience  of  history  that  political 
ideals  spring  into  full  development  all  at  once.  They  are 
the  process  of  the  discipline  of  a  long  and  severe  training 
and  constant  and  continued  study.  The  Virginia  resolu- 
tions in  the  fewest  possible  words  map  out  a  course  of  ac- 
tion and  lay  down  the  fundamental  principles  by  which 
America  has  since  sought  to  guide  and  direct  its  political 
life.  The  members  of  the  convention,  however,  would  not 
have  argued  that  they  were  embarking  upon  a  new  theory 
of  political  relationship  with  so  much  assurance  as  they 
would  have  contended  that  they  were  adapting  well-estab- 
lished theories  of  constitutional  law  to  their  own  condition. 


They  declared  for  complete  independence.  They  abjured 
both  the  Crown  and  the  Parliament  of  Great  Britain. 
Much  emphasis  has  been  placed  on  our  political  independ- 
ence. It  has  become  one  of  our  most  fundamental  tradi- 
tions of  government,  and  rightly  so.  In  our  domestic  af- 
fairs our  sovereignty  rises  to  its  most  complete  state.  We 
tolerate  no  outside  interference.  But  as  the  devout  May- 
hew  had  seen  the  communion  of  colonies  in  the  com- 
munion of  churches,  so  these  resolutions,  even  though  un- 
consciously, recognized  a  communion  of  nations  when  they 
authorized  the  forming  of  foreign  alliances.  They  could  not 
escape  the  conclusion  that  as  the  individual  derives  his 
liberty  from  an  observance  of  the  law,  so  nations  derive 
their  independence  and  perpetuate  their  sovereignty  from 
an  observance  of  that  comity  by  which  they  are  all  bound. 
As  modern  developments  have  brought  the  nations  closer 
and  closer  together,  this  conclusion  has  become  more  and 
more  unavoidable.  While  the  rights  of  the  citizen  have 
been  in  no  wise  diminished,  the  rights  of  humanity  have 
been  very  greatly  increased.  Our  country  holds  to  politi- 
cal and  economic  independence,  but  it  holds  to  cooperation 
and  combination  in  the  administration  of  justice. 

The  resolutions  did  not  fail  to  recognize  the  principle  of 
nationality.  It  was  the  "United  Colonies"  that  they  pro- 
posed should  be  declared  independent,  and  it  distinctly  au- 
thorized "a  Confederation  of  the  Colonies."  This  was  an 
early  and  authoritative  statement  of  the  theory  that  this 
is  all  one  country  bound  up  in  a  common  interest,  des- 
tined to  the  experience  of  a  common  fortune.  It  was  the 
expression  of  a  desire  for  a  yet  unformulated  plan  for  a 
Federal  Government.  How  great  a  part  Virginia  was  to 
play  in  the  final  adoption  of  such  a  Government  was  by 
this  action  already  indicated.  When  that  great  test  came 
some  years  later  it  was  the  known  wish  of  the  great  Wash- 
ington, aided  by  the  superb  reasoning  powers  of  Marshall, 



notwithstanding  the  direct  opposition  of  Henry,  that 
caused  Virginia  to  ratify  the  Federal  Constitution  at  a  time 
which  was  again  decisive  in  the  formation  of  the  Union. 
For  a  second  time  the  action  of  this  great  Commonwealth 
was  the  determining  factor  in  the  destiny  of  America. 

It  is  impossible  to  lay  too  much  emphasis  upon  the  ne- 
cessity of  making  all  our  political  action  of  the  Federal 
Government  harmonize  with  the  principle  of  national  unity. 
For  many  years  now  this  course  has  been  greatly  impeded 
from  the  fact  that  those  who  substantially  think  alike  have 
so  oftentimes  been  unable  to  act  alike.  Our  country  ought 
to  be  done  with  all  sectional  divisions  and  all  actions  based 
upon  geographical  lines.  Washington  warned  us  against 
that  danger  in  his  Farewell  Address.  Experience  has  time 
and  again  demonstrated  the  soundness  of  his  advice  and 
the  breadth  of  his  wisdom.  It  would  be  difficult  to  suggest 
anything  more  likely  to  enhance  the  progress  of  our  coun- 
try than  united  political  action  in  all  parts  of  the  Nation 
in  accord  with  the  advice  of  Washington  for  the  support 
and  maintenance  of  those  principles  of  sound  economics 
and  stable  constitutional  government  in  which  they  so 
substantially  agree.  All  sections  have  the  same  community 
of  interests,  both  in  theory  and  in  fact,  and  they  ought  to 
have  a  community  in  political  action.  We  can  not  deny 
that  we  are  all  Americans.  To  attempt  to  proceed  upon 
any  other  theory  can  only  end  in  disaster.  No  policy  can 
ever  be  a  success  which  does  not  contemplate  this  as  one 

The  principle  that  those  who  think  alike  ought  to  be 
able  to  act  alike  wherever  they  happen 'to  live  should  be 
supplemented  by  another  rule  for  the  continuation  of  the 
contentment  and  tranquillity  of  our  Republic.  The  gen- 
eral acceptance  of  our  institutions  proceeds  on  the  theory 
that  they  have  been  adopted  by  the  action  of  a  majority. 
It  is  obvious  that  if  those  who  hold  to  the  same  ideals  of 


government  fail  to  agree  the  chances  very  strongly  favor 
a  rule  by  a  minority.  But  there  is  another  element  of  re- 
cent development.  Direct  primaries  and  direct  elections 
bring  to  bear  upon  the  political  fortunes  of  public  officials 
the  greatly  disproportionate  influence  of  organized  minor- 
ities. Artificial  propaganda,  paid  agitators,  selfish  inter- 
ests, all  impinge  upon  members  of  legislative  bodies  to  force 
them  to  represent  special  elements  rather  than  the  great 
body  of  their  constituency.  When  they  are  successful  mi- 
nority rule  is  established,  and  the  result  is  an  extravagance 
on  the  part  of  the  Government  which  is  ruinous  to  the 
people  and  a  multiplicity  of  regulations  and  restrictions  for 
the  conduct  of  all  kinds  of  necessary  business,  which  be- 
comes little  less  than  oppressive.  Not  only  is  this  one 
country,  but  we  must  keep  all  its  different  parts  in  harmony 
by  refusing  to  adopt  legislation  which  is  not  for  the  general 

The  resolutions  did  not  stop  here.  Had  they  done  so, 
they  would  have  been  very  far  from  comprehending  and 
expressing  the  necessities  of  the  American  people.  They 
went  on  to  provide  that  "the  regulation  of  the  internal 
concerns  of  each  colony  be  left  to  respective  colonial  legis- 
latures." This  was  a  plain  declaration  of  the  unassailable 
fact  that  the  States  are  the  sheet  anchors  of  our  institu- 
tions. If  the  Federal  Government  should  go  out  of  exist- 
ence, the  common  run  of  people  would  not  detect  the  dif- 
ference in  the  affairs  of  their  daily  life  for  a  considerable 
length  of  time.  But  if  the  authority  of  the  States  were 
struck  down  disorder  approaching  chaos  would  be  upon 
us  within  twenty-four  hours.  No  method  of  procedure  has 
ever  been  devised  by  which  liberty  could  be  divorced  from 
local  self-government.  No  plan  of  centralization  has  ever 
been  adopted  which  did  not  result  in  bureaucracy,  tyranny, 
inflexibility,  reaction,  and  decline.  Of  all  forms  of  gov- 
ernment, those  administered  by  bureaus  are  about  the  least 



satisfactory  to  an  enlightened  and  progressive  people.  Be- 
ing irresponsible  they  become  autocratic,  and  being  auto- 
cratic they  resist  all  development.  Unless  bureaucracy  is 
constantly  resisted  it  breaks  down  representative  govern- 
ment and  overwhelms  democracy.  It  is  the  one  element  in 
our  institutions  that  sets  up  the  pretense  of  having  au- 
thority over  everybody  and  being  responsible  to  nobody. 

While  we  ought  to  glory  in  the  Union  and  remember 
that  it  is  the  source  from  which  the  States  derive  their 
chief  title  to  fame,  we  must  also  recognize  that  the  na- 
tional administration  is  not  and  can  not  be  adjusted  to  the 
needs  of  local  government.  It  is  too  far  away  to  be  in- 
formed of  local  needs,  too  inaccessible  to  be  responsive  to 
local  conditions.  The  States  should  not  be  induced  by 
coercion  or  by  favor  to  surrender  the  management  of  their 
own  affairs.  The  Federal  Government  ought  to  resist  the 
tendency  to  be  loaded  up  with  duties  which  the  States 
should  perform.  It  does  not  follow  that  because  some- 
thing ought  to  be  done  the  National  Government  ought 
to  do  it.  But,  on  the  other  hand,  when  the  great  body  of 
public  opinion  of  the  Nation  requires  action  the  States 
ought  to  understand  that  unless  they  are  responsive  to  such 
sentiment  the  national  authority  will  be  compelled  to  in- 
tervene. The  doctrine  of  State  rights  is  not  a  privilege  to 
continue  in  wrong-doing  but  a  privilege  to  be  free  from 
interference  in  well-doing.  This  Nation  is  bent  on  progress. 
It  has  determined  on  the  policy  of  meting  out  justice  be- 
tween man  and  man.  It  has  decided  to  extend  the  blessing 
of  an  enlightened  humanity.  Unless  the  States  meet  these 
requirements,  the  National  Government  reluctantly  will  be 
crowded  into  the  position  of  enlarging  its  own  authority 
at  their  expense.  I  want  to  see  the  policy  adopted  by  the 
States  of  discharging  their  public  functions  so  faithfully 
that  instead  of  an  extension  on  the  part  of  the  Federal  Gov- 
ernment there  can  be  a  contraction. 


These  principles  of  independence,  of  the  integrity  of 
the  Union,  and  of  local  self-government  have  not  dimin- 
ished in  their  importance  since  they  were  so  clearly  recog- 
nized and  faithfully  declared  in  the  Virginia  convention  of 
150  years  ago.  We  may  wonder  at  their  need  of  constant 
restatement,  reiteration,  and  defense.  But  the  fact  is  that 
the  principles  of  government  have  the  same  need  to  be 
fortified,  reinforced,  and  supported  that  characterize  the 
principles  of  religion.  After  enumerating  many  of  the 
spiritual  ideals,  the  Scriptures  enjoin  us  to  "think  on  these 
things."  If  we  are  to  maintain  the  ideals  of  government, 
it  is  likewise  necessary  that  we  "think  on  these  things." 
It  is  for  this  purpose  that  educational  institutions  exist  and 
important  anniversaries  are  observed. 

Each  generation  has  its  problems.  The  days  of  the 
Revolution  had  theirs,  and  we  have  ours.  They  were 
making  an  advance  in  the  art  of  government  which,  while 
it  has  been  broadened  in  its  application,  has  not  changed 
and  does  not  seem  likely  to  change  from  the  fundamental 
principles  which  they  established.  We  are  making  our  ad- 
vance and  our  contribution  to  the  betterment  of  the  eco- 
nomic condition  and  the  broader  realization  of  the  human- 
ities in  the  life  of  the  world.  They  were  mostly  bent  on 
seeing  what  they  could  put  into  the  Government;  we  are 
mostly  bent  on  seeing  what  we  can  get  out  of  it.  They 
broke  the  power  of  Parliament  because  its  actions  did  not 
represent,  were  not  benefiting  the  American  public.  They 
established  institutions  guaranteed  under  a  reign  of  law 
where  liberty  and  justice  and  the  public  welfare  would  be 
supreme.  Amid  all  the  contentions  of  the  present  day 
nothing  is  more  important  to  secure  the  continuation  of 
what  they  wrought  than  a  constant  and  vigilant  resistance 
to  the  domination  of  selfish  and  private  interests  in  the 
affairs  of  government  in  order  that  liberty  and  justice  may 
still  be  secure  and  the  public  welfare  may  still  be  supreme. 


Great  men  are  the  product  of  a  great  people. 


It  is  one  of  the  glories  of  our  country  that  we  all  have 
the  privilege  of  being  Americans.  Some  of  us  were  born 
here  of  an  ancestry  that  has  lived  here  for  generations. 
Others  of  us  were  born  abroad  and  brought  here  at  a  tender 
age,  or  have  come  to  these  shores  as  a  result  of  mature 
choice.  But  when  once  our  feet  have  touched  this  soil, 
when  once  we  have  made  this  land  our  home,  wherever  our 
place  of  birth,  whatever  our  race,  we  are  all  blended  in  one 
common  country.  All  artificial  distinctions  of  lineage  and 
rank  are  cast  aside.  We  all  rejoice  in  the  title  of  Ameri- 
cans. But  this  is  not  done  by  discarding  the  teachings  and 
beliefs  or  the  character  which  have  contributed  to  the 
strength  and  progress  of  the  peoples  from  which  our  vari- 
ous strains  derived  their  origin,  but  rather  from  the  accept- 
ance of  all  their  good  qualities  and  their  adaptation  to  the 
requirements  of  our  institutions.  None  of  those  who  come 
here  are  required  to  leave  any  good  qualities  behind,  but 
they  are  rather  required  to  strengthen  and  fortify  them 
and  supplement  them  with  such  additional  good  qualities 
as  they  find  among  us. 

While  it  is  eminently  proper  for  us  to  glory  in  our 
origin  and  to  cherish  with  pride  the  contributions  which 
our  race  has  made  to  the  common  progress  of  humanity, 
we  can  not  put  too  much  emphasis  on  the  fact  that  in  this 
country  we  are  all  bound  together  in  a  common  destiny. 
We  must  all  be  united  as  one  people.  This  principle  works 
both  ways.    As  we  do  not  recognize  any  inferior  races,  so 

At  the  dedication  of  the  statue  of  John  Ericsson  at  Washington,  May 
29,  1926. 



we  do  not  recognize  any  superior  races.  We  all  stand  on 
an  equality  of  rights  and  of  opportunity,  each  deriving  just 
honor  from  his  own  worth  and  accomplishments.  It  is 
not,  then,  for  the  purpose  of  setting  one  people  above 
another  that  we  assemble  here  to-day  to  do  reverence  to 
the  memory  of  a  great  son  of  Sweden,  but  rather  to  glory  in 
the  name  of  John  Ericsson  and  his  race  as  a  preeminent  ex- 
ample of  the  superb  contribution  which  has  been  made  by 
many  different  nationalities  to  the  cause  of  our  country. 
We  honor  him  most  of  all  because  we  can  truly  say  he  was 
a  great  American. 

Great  men  are  the  product  of  a  great  people.  The 
are  the  result  of  many  generations  of  effort,  toil,  and  dis- 
cipline. They  do  not  stand  by  themselves;  they  are  more 
than  an  individual.  They  are  the  incarnation  of  the  spirit 
of  a  people.  We  should  fail  in  our  understanding  of  Erics- 
son unless  we  first  understand  the  Swedish  people  both  as 
they  have  developed  in  the  land  of  their  origin  and  as  they 
have  matured  in  the  land  of  their  adoption. 

Sweden  is  a  country  where  existence  has  not  been  easy. 
Lying  up  under  the  Arctic  Circle,  its  climate  is  tinged  with 
frost,  its  landscape  is  rugged,  its  soil  yields  grudgingly  to 
the  husbandman,  so  that  down  through  the  centuries  its 
people  have  been  inured  to  hardship.  These  external  con- 
ditions have  contributed  to  the  strength,  the.greatness,  and 
the  character  of  that  little  nation  which  even  now  numbers 
scarcely  6,000,000  people.  Independence,  courage,  resource- 
fulness have  marked  the  race  since  we  read  of  them  in  Taci- 
tus and  Ptolemy.  The  meagerness  of  their  soil  drove  them 
to  the  sea;  their  natural  characteristic  drove  them  to  ad- 
venture. Their  sea  rovers  touched  all  known  shores  and 
ventured  far  into  the  unknown,  making  conquests  that  have 
had  a  broad  influence  upon  succeeding  European  history. 
At  an  early  period  they  were  converted  to  the  Christian 
faith  and  their  natural  independence  made   them  early 


responsive  to  the  Protestant  Reformation,  in  which  their 
most  famous  king,  Gustavus  Adolphus,  "The  Lion  of  the 
North,"  was  one  of  the  most  militant  figures  in  the  move- 
ment for  a  greater  religious  freedom.  It  was  under  this 
great  leader  that  plans  were  first  matured  to  establish  a 
colony  in  this  country  for  purposes  of  trade  and  in  order 
that  the  natives,  as  was  set  out  in  the  charter,  might  be 
"made  more  civilized  and  taught  morality  and  the  Christian 
religion  *  *  *  besides  the  further  propagation  of  the  Holy 

While  it  was  under  a  new  charter  that  a  Swedish  colony 
finally  reached  the  Delaware  in  1638,  they  never  lost  sight 
of  their  original  purpose,  but  among  other  requests  kept 
calling  on  the  mother  country  for  ministers,  Bibles,  and 
Psalm  books.  Forty-one  clergymen  came  to  America  prior 
to  1779.  One  of  the  historians  of  this  early  settlement  as- 
serts that  these  colonists*  laid  the  basis  for  a  religious  struc- 
ture, built  the  first  flour  mills,  the  first  ships,  the  first  brick- 
yards, and  made  the  first  roads,  while  they  introduced  hor- 
ticulture and  scientific  forestry  into  this  Delaware  region. 

It  was  not  until  after  1843,  when  the  restrictions  on  leav- 
ing their  own  country  were  removed,  that  the  large  move- 
ment of  Swedish  immigrants  began,  which  with  their  de- 
scendants are  now  estimated  at  nearly  2,000,000  people. 
Stretching  into  our  Northwestern  States  they  have  cut 
down  the  forests  and  brought  the  wide  prairies  under  culti- 
vation over  an  area  of  more  than  10,000,000  acres.  The 
building  of  nearly  2,000  churches  and  nearly  as  many 
schools  stands  to  their  credit.  They  have  established  about 
twenty  higher  institutions  of  learning ;  set  up  a  large  number 
of  charitable  organizations  and  more  than  a  thousand  so- 
cieties for  public  welfare  and  mutual  benefit;  written  thou- 
sands of  books  and  published  hundreds  of  newspapers, 
among  which  are  some  of  the  leading  journals  of  the  coun- 
try.   Always  as  soon  as  they  have  provided  shelter  for  them- 


selves  they  have  turned  to  build  places  of  religious  worship 
and  founded  institutions  of  higher  learning  with  the  orig- 
inal purpose  of  training  clergymen  and  teachers.  Augus- 
tana  College,  Gustavus  Adolphus  College,  and  Bethany 
College  are  seminaries  of  learning  which  stand  to  their 

Though  few  in  numbers  during  the  period  of  our  Revo- 
lutionary War,  they  supported  the  Colonial  cause  and  it  has 
been  said  that  King  Gustavus  III,  writing  to  a  friend,  de- 
clared "If  I  were  not  King  I  would  proceed  to  America  and 
offer  my  sword  on  behalf  of  the  brave  Colonies."  One 
of  the  signers  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence  was  John 
Morten  or  Mortenson,  and  it  has  been  claimed  that  Betsy 
Ross  was  of  Swedish  descent.  No  less  than  fourteen  Swedish 
officers  served  our  cause  either  in  the  Army  or  in  the  French 
fleet  which  took  part  in  the  Revolutionary  campaigns. 
After  the  close  of  the  war  the  Swedish  minister  at  Paris 
called  upon  our  representative,  Benjamin  Franklin,  and 
offered  to  negotiate  a  treaty  of  commerce  and  amity,  thus 
making  Sweden  the  first  European  power  which  voluntarily 
and  without  solicitation  tendered  its  friendship  to  the 
young  Republic.  This  treaty  was  ratified  by  Congress  in 
July,  1783.  The  title  of  "President  of  the  United  States 
in  Congress  Assembled"  was  first  held  by  John  Hanson,  of 
Maryland,  in  1781. 

As  these  Americans  of  Swedish  blood  have  increased  in 
numbers  and  taken  up  the  duties  of  citizenship,  they  have 
been  prominent  in  all  ranks  of  public  life.  They  have  been 
distinguished  in  the  public  service  of  the  States,  filling 
many  of  the  offices  from  the  governorship  down.  I  shall 
name  but  one  of  the  public  officials  of  the  Swedish  race 
who  have  served  our  country  so  faithfully  as  representative 
of  the  great  legion  whose  names  spring  to  our  thoughts,  a 
learned  lawyer,  blessed  with  great  ability,  possessed  of  high 
character,   a  seasoned   parliamentarian   with   a  record   of 


prominent  leadership  in  the  legislature  of  his  own  State 
and  in  the  Congress  of  the  United  States,  a  man  endowed 
with  the  old  Norse  spirit,  a  true  American,  the  senior  Sena- 
tor from  Washington,  Irvine  L.  Lenroot.  Others  of  the 
race  have  sat  in  the  National  House  and  Senate  and  been 
prominent  at  the  bar  and  on  the  bench.  Their  painters 
were  among  the  earliest  and  have  produced  pictures  of 
great  merit;  but  of  all  the  arts  they  have  been  most  pro- 
ficient in  music.  Inspired  by  Jenny  Lind  and  Christina 
Nilsson  they  have  as  a  people  given  great  attention  to  vocal 
music,  maintaining  famous  choral  clubs  and  producing 
noted  opera  singers,  displaying  also  a  high  degree  of  talent 
as  composers. 

When  Lincoln  began  his  great  struggle  for  the  integrity 
of  the  Union  this  strain  was  becoming  increasingly  numer- 
ous, and  Dr.  Amandus  Johnson  declares  that  I6y2  per  cent 
of  all  Americans  of  Swedish  blood  volunteered  for  service 
in  the  Federal  Army.  Among  those  who  reached  a  high 
command  were  General  Stolbrand  and  Rear  Admiral  Dahl- 
gren,  while  the  rank  and  file  maintained  the  record  of  fame 
for  the  fighting  qualities  which  from  time  immemorial  have 
characterized  the  race.  Such  is  the  background  and  great- 
ness of  the  Swedish  people  in  the  country  of  their  origin 
and  in  America  that  gave  to  the  world  John  Ericsson.  They 
have  been  characterized  by  that  courage  which  is  the  foun- 
dation of  industry  and  thrift,  that  endurance  which  is  the 
foundation  of  military  achievement,  that  devotion  to  the 
home  which  is  the  foundation  of  patriotism,  and  that  rev- 
erence for  religion  which  is  the  foundation  of  moral  power. 
They  are  representative  of  the  process  which  has  been  going 
on  for  centuries  in  many  quarters  of  the  globe  to  develop 
a  strain  of  pioneers  ready  to  make  their  contribution  to  the 
enlightened  civilization  of  America. 

The  life  of  this  great  man  is  the  classic  story  of  the  immi- 
grant, the  early  struggle  with  adversity,  the  home  in  a  new 


country,  the  final  success.  Born  in  the  Province  of  Vermland 
m  1803,  at  the  age  of  seventeen  he  entered  the  army.  But 
the  urge  for  a  wider  opportunity  for  his  talents  possessed 
him,  and  at  twenty-three  he  went  to  England.  He  entered 
an  engineering  firm  and  always  preferred  to  be  considered  an 
engineer  rather  than  an  inventor.  The  development  of 
power  interested  him,  and  within  a  year  his  fertile  mind 
had  begun  improvements  of  far-reaching  extent  upon  boilers 
and  engines.  With  that  boundless  energy  which  was  to 
characterize  him  through  life  he  soon  designed  the  fire 
engine  and  developed  the  screw  propeller  for  marine  use. 
It  was  this  new  invention  which  brought  him  to  America 
in  1839.  His  hopes  to  interest  the  Federal  Government  in 
this  method  of  navigation  were  not  immediately  realized, 
but  he  began  constructing  propeller  boats  on  the  Great 
Lakes  and  started  a  fleet  on  the  canal  between  Baltimore 
and  Philadelphia,  which  caused  the  railroad  to  cut  its  fare 
in  two,  and  where  the  boat  service  still  keeps  the  name  of 
the  Ericsson  Line.  He  was  soon  building  a  small  steam- 
boat, called  the  Princeton,  which  was  the  first  man-of-war 
equipped  with  a  screw  propeller  and  with  machinery  below 
the  water  line  out  of  reach  of  shot.  In  1876  he  described 
this  vessel  as  "the  foundation  of  the  present  steam  marine 
of  the  whole  world.  She  revolutionized  naval  vessels.'' 
President  Tyler  and  his  Cabinet  made  a  trial  trip  down 
the  Potomac  on  this  boat,  which,  although  marred  by  a 
fatal  accident  caused  by  the  bursting  of  a  gun,  demon- 
strated the  desirability  and  success  of  this  type  of  warship. 
It  was  therefore  no  novice  but  a  seasoned  and  practical 
shipbuilder  who  responded  when  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy, 
alarmed  at  reports  of  a  Confederate  ironclad,  advertised  for 
armored  ships.  This  great  mechanical  genius  wrote  to 
President  Lincoln  offering  to  Construct  a  vessel  for  the 
destruction  of  the  hostile  fleet  in  Norfolk  and  for  scour- 


ing  southern  rivers  and  inlets  of  all  craft  protected  by 
southern  batteries."    He  further  declared: 

"Attachment  to  the  Union  alone  impels  me  to  offer  my 
services  at  this  frightful  crisis — my  life  if  need  be — in  the 
great  cause  which  Providence  has  caused  you  to  defend. 
*  *  *  It  is  not  for  me,  sir,  to  remind  you  of  the  immense 
moral  effect  that  will  result.  *  *  *  Nor  need  I  allude  to 
the  effect  in  Europe,  if  you  demonstrate  that  you  can 
effectively  drive  hostile  fleets  away  from  our  shores." 

This  offer  was  accepted,  and  as  a  result  a  strange  new 
craft,  sometimes  described  as  a  cheese  box  on  a  raft,  steamed 
into  Hampton  Roads  late  after  dark  on  the  day  of  March 
8,  1862.  It  arrived  none  too  soon,  for  that  morning  the 
Confederate  ironclad  Virginia,  reconstructed  from  the  Mer- 
rimac,  began  a  work  of  destruction  among  16  Federal  ves- 
sels, carrying  298  guns,  located  at  that  point.  The  Cum- 
berland, with  24  guns,  was  battered  to  pieces,  losing  117  of 
its  300  men.  The  Congress,  with  15  guns,  was  grounded 
and  set  afire,  and  the  Roanoke  and  Minnesota  were  badly 
damaged  and  run  ashore. 

The  result  was  consternation  among  the  Federal  author- 
ities. A  Cabinet  member  is  said  to  have  exclaimed  that  a 
shell  from  this  new  engine  of  destruction  might  be  expected 
to  fly  into  the  White  House  at  any  time.  In  the  South 
expectations  were  entertained  of  a  complete  destruction  of 
the  northern  ships,  the  raising  of  the  blockades,  the  cap- 
ture of  Washington  and  other  cities,  recognition  of  the  Con- 
federacy by  Europe,  and  ultimate  victory. 

When  the  ironclad  Merrimac  went  out  on  the  morning 
of  March  9  to  complete  its  work  of  destruction  it  was  at 
once  surprised  and  challenged  by  this  new  and  extraor- 
dinary naval  innovation.  Speaking  before  the  Naval  In- 
stitute in  1876,  Admiral  Luce  said  that  the  Monitor  "ex- 
hibited in  a  singular  manner  the  old  Norse  element  in 
the  American  Navy."    He  pointed  out  that  it  was  Erics- 


son   "who  built  her,"   Dahlgren  "who  armed  her,"   and 
Worden  "who  fought  her."    And  well  might  he  add: 

"How  the  ancient  Skalds  would  have  struck  their  wild 
harps  in  hearing  such  names  in  heroic  verse.  How  they 
would  have  written  them  in  immortal  runes." 

After  a  battle  lasting  four  hours  in  which  the  Monitor 
suffered  no  material  damage,  except  from  one  shell  which 
hit  the  observation  opening  in  the  pilot  house,  temporarily 
blinding  Lieutenant  Worden,  the  commanding  officer,  the 
Merrimac,  later  reported  to  have  been  badly  crippled,  with- 
drew, never  to  venture  out  again  to  meet  her  conqueror. 

The  old  spirit  of  the  Vikings,  becoming  American,  had 
again  triumphed  in  a  victory  no  less  decisive  of  future  events 
than  when  it  had  hovered  over  the  banner  of  William  the 
Conqueror.  It  did  for  the  Union  cause  on  the  sea  what 
the  Battle  of  Gettysburg  later  was  to  do  for  it  on  land.  If 
some  of  the  European  countries  had  any  serious  thought 
of  joining  with  the  South,  such  intentions  were  speedily 
abandoned.  That  engagement  revealed  that  in  the  future 
all  wooden  navies  would  be  of  little  avail.  The  London 
Times  stated  that  the  day  before  this  momentous  battle 
England  had  149  first-class  warships.  The  day  after  she 
had  but  two,  and  they  were  iron-plated  only  amidships 
Naval  warfare  had  been  revolutionized.  The  great  genius 
of  Ericsson  had  brought  about  a  new  era  in  naval  con- 
struction. Naval  authorities  now  recognize  the  armored 
vessel  which  he  sent  into  action  as  "the  germ  of  the  modern 
battleship,"  and  behold  in  "the  modern  dreadnought  the 
glorified  Monitor" 

Great  as  were  these  achievements,  they  are  scarcely 
greater  than  those  which  marked  the  engineering  and  in- 
ventive abilities  of  this  great  man,  which  were  to  benefit 
the  industry,  commerce,  and  transportation  of  the  country. 
He  was  a  lover  of  peace,  not  war.  He  was  devoted  to  jus- 
tice and  freedom  and  was  moved  by  an  abiding  love  of 


America,  of  which  he  had  become  a  citizen  in  1848.  He 
had  a  peculiar  horror  of  slavery.  In  1882  he  wrote  to  a 
United  States  Senator: 

"Nothing  could  induce  me  to  accept  any  remuneration 
from  the  United  States  for  the  Monitor  once  presented  by 
me  as  my  contribution  to  the  glorious  Union  cause,  the 
triumph  of  which  freed  4,000,000  bondsmen." 

Ericsson  continued  his  labors  in  his  profession  with 
great  diligence,  even  into  his  eighty-sixth  year,  when  he 
passed  away  at  his  home  in  New  York  City  on  the  8th 
of  March,  1889,  the  anniversary  of  the  arrival  of  the 
Monitor  in  Hampton  Roads.  At  the  request  of  the  Royal 
United  Kingdoms  of  Sweden  and  Norway,  all  that  was 
mortal  of  the  great  engineer  was  restored  to  his  native 
land  during  the  following  year.  Although  he  had  not 
returned  during  his  lifetime,  he  always  remembered  with 
the  keenest  affection  the  people  of  his  native  land.  The 
high  estimate  he  placed  upon  their  character  led  him  at 
one  time  to  say: 

"It  is  with  true  satisfaction  I  now  recall  to  memory  the 
time  when  I  associated  and  exchanged  thoughts  with  the 
energetic  youth  of  Norrland.  Without  disparaging  other 
nations,  I  must  say  that  the  perseverance,  sense  of  right, 
and  clear  heads  of  these  youths  place  them  far  beyond  the 
young  men  of  the  working  class  in  the  other  countries.  I 
estimate  the  Swedish  vigor  and  innate  good  sense  as  beyond 
that  of  other  nations." 

The  high  opinion  he  held  of  them  was  no  less  than  the 
high  opinion  they  held  of  him.  Because  of  the  fidelity  and 
generosity  which  he  had  exhibited  toward  Sweden  and  Nor- 
way, and  his  helpful  service  to  the  United  Kingdoms,  a 
captain  of  the  Swedish  Navy  wrote  to  him:  "If  there  is  in 
heaven  a  special  dwelling  place  for  patriots,  your  place  will 
certainly  be  in  the  State  Apartments." 

He  was  borne  to  his  last  resting  place  with  appropriate 


honors  by  the  cruiser  Baltimore  under  the  command  of 
Admiral  Schley.  Desiring  to  give  expression  to  the  cordial 
and  fraternal  ties  that  united  a  kindred  people,  the  Presi- 
dent of  the  United  States  caused  to  be  issued  the  following 
order : 

"In  recognition  of  this  feeling  and  of  the  debt  that  we  owe 
to  Sweden  for  the  gift  of  Ericsson,  whose  genius  rendered 
us  the  highest  service  in  a  moment  of  grave  peril  and  anxi- 
ety, it  is  directed  that  at  this  other  moment,  when  we  give 
back  his  body  to  his  native  country,  the  flag  of  Sweden 
shall  be  saluted  by  the  squadron." 

Crowned  with  honor  by  the  land  of  his  birth  and  the 
land  of  his  adoption,  he  sleeps  among  the  mountains  he 
had  loved  so  well  as  a  boy.    But  his  memory  abides  here. 

Both  nations  unite  again  to-day  in  dedicating  another 
memorial  to  the  memory  of  this  illustrious  man.  His 
Royal  Highness,  Crown  Prince  Gustaf  Adolf,  and  Her  Royal 
Highness,  Crown  Princess  Louise,  have  most  graciously 
come  from  Sweden  to  be  present  on  this  occasion  and  join 
with  us  in  paying  tribute  to  a  patriot  who  belongs  to  two 
countries.  It  is  significant  that  as  Ericsson  when  he  was 
a  young  soldier  had  the  friendship  and  favor  of  the  Crown 
Prince  of  that  day,  so  his  memory  has  the  marked  honor 
of  the  Crown  Prince  of  to-day. 

This  memorial  by  which  we  rededicate  America  to  the 
spirit  which  Ericsson  represented  stands  most  fittingly  by 
the  bank  of  the  river  on  which  floated  the  first  craft 
with  which  he  undertook  to  benefit  this  Government,  in  the 
shadow  of  the  majestic  temple  which  has  been  reared  to  the 
fame  of  the  immortal  Lincoln,  whose  cause  he  served,  and 
within  sight  of  the  lofty  monument  that  recalls  the  name 
of  Washington,  whose  country  he  helped  to  save.  As  the 
ceaseless  throng  of  our  citizens  of  various  races  shall  come 
and  go,  as  they  enter  and  leave  our  Capital  City  in  the  years 
to  come,  as  they  look  upon  their  monuments  and  upon  his 


and  recall  that  though  he  and  they  differed  in  blood  and 
race  they  were  yet  bound  together  by  the  tie  that  surpasses 
race  and  blood  in  the  communion  of  a  common  spirit,  and 
as  they  pause  and  contemplate  that  communion,  may  they 
not  fail  to  say  in  their  hearts,  "Of  such  is  the  greatness  of 


It  is  one  of  the  glories  of  our  country  that  so 
long  as  we  remain  faithful  to  the  cause  of  justice 
and  truth  and  liberty,  this  action  will  continue. 
We  have  waged  no  wars  to  determine  a  succes- 
sion, establish  a  dynasty,  or  glorify  a  reigning 
house.  Our  military  operations  have  been  for 
the  service  of  the  cause  of  humanity.  The 
principles  on  which  they  have  been  fought  have 
more  and  more  come  to  be  accepted  as  the  ulti- 
mate standards  of  the  world.  They  have  been 
of  an  enduring  substance,  which  is  not  weakened 
but  only  strengthened  by  the  passage  of  time 
and  the  contemplation  of  reason. 


Fellow  Americans: 

This  Nation  approaches  no  ceremony  with  such  universal 
sanction  as  that  which  is  held  in  commemoration  over  the 
graves  of  those  who  have  performed  military  duty.  In  our 
respect  for  the  living  and  our  reverence  for  the  dead,  in  the 
unbounded  treasure  which  we  have  poured  out  in  bounties, 
in  the  continual  requiem  services  which  we  have  held, 
America  at  least  has  demonstrated  that  republics  are  not 
ungrateful.  It  is  one  of  the  glories  of  our  country  that  so 
long  as  we  remain  faithful  to  the  cause  of  justice  and  truth 
and  liberty,  this  action  will  continue.  We  have  waged  no 
wars  to  determine  a  succession,  establish  a  dynasty,  or 
glorify  a  reigning  house.  Our  military  operations  have 
been  for  the  service  of  the  cause  of  humanity.  The  princi- 
ples on  which  they  have  been  fought  have  more  and  more 
come  to  be  accepted  as  the  ultimate  standards  of  the  world. 
They  have  been  of  an  enduring  substance,  which  is  not 
weakened  but  only  strengthened  by  the  passage  of  time  and 
the  contemplation  of  reason. 

Our  experience  in  that  respect  ought  not  to  lead  us  too 
hastily  to  assume  that  we  have  been  therefore  better  than 
other  people,  but  certainly  we  have  been  more  fortunate. 
We  came  on  the  stage  at  a  later  time,  so  that  this  country 
had  presented  to  it,  already  attained,  a  civilization  that 
other  countries  had  secured  only  as  a  result  of  a  long  and 
painful  struggle.  Of  the  various  races  of  which  we  are 
composed,  substantially  all  have  a  history  for  making  war- 
fare which  is  oftentimes  hard  to  justify,  as  they  have  come 
up  through  various  degrees  of  development.     They  bore 

At  Arlington  M&y  31,  1926. 



this  burden  in  ages  past  in  order  that  this  country  might 
be  freed  from  it.  Under  the  circumstances  it  behooves  us 
to  look  on  their  record  of  advance  through  great  difficulties 
with  much  compassion  and  be  thankful  that  we  have  been 
spared  from  a  like  experience,  and  out  of  our  compassion 
and  our  thankfulness  constantly  to  remember  that  because 
of  greater  advantages  and  opportunities  we  are  charged  with 
superior  duties  and  obligations.  Perhaps  no  country  on 
earth  has  greater  responsibilities  than  America. 

Notwithstanding  all  the  honor  which  this  country  has 
bestowed  upon  the  living  and  all  the  reverence  that  has 
marked  its  attitude  toward  the  dead  who  have  served  us  in 
a  military  capacity,  we  are  not  a  warlike  Nation.  As  a 
people  we  have  not  sought  military  glory.  Because  of  our 
fortunate  circumstances,  such  wars  as  we  have  waged  have 
been  for  the  purpose  of  securing  conditions  under  which 
peace  would  be  more  permanent,  liberty  would  be  more 
secure,  and  justice  would  be  more  certain.  It  was  this 
principle  that  peculiarly  characterized  the  forces  who  ac- 
knowledged as  their  commander  in  chief  Abraham  Lincoln. 

While  this  day  was  legally  established  many  years  ago 
as  an  occasion  to  be  devoted  to  the  memory  of  our  country's 
dead,  it  can  not  but  each  year  refresh  the  sentiment  of  re- 
spect and  honor  in  which  our  country  holds  their  living 
comrades.  Of  those  great  armies  that  maintained  the  long 
struggle  from  1861  to  1865,  which  ranked  in  size  with  any 
the  world  had  ever  before  seen,  but  a  few  shattered  ranks 
now  remain.  The  old  valor  yet  lives.  The  old  devotion  to 
country,  the  old  loyalty  to  the  flag  remain:  But  the  youth 
and  physical  vigor  which  caused  them  to  be  characterized 
as  the  boys  in  blue  are  gone  from  these  heroes  of  a  former 

But  the  spirit  which  they  so  nobly  represented  twd 
generations  ago  has  not  departed  from  the  land.  It  was 
resurgent  in  the  days  of  1898  and  in  1917,  and  finds  a 



lineal  succession  in  the  three  branches  which  make  up  the 
land  and  sea  forces  of  the  present  day  and  in  the  public 
opinion  of  the  people.  Our  country  has  never  had  a  better- 
equipped  Army  or  a  more  efficient  Navy  in  time  of  peace 
than  it  has  at  the  present  time.  The  Air  Service  is  being 
perfected,  better  quarters  are  being  provided,  and  our  whole 
Military  Establishment  is  being  made  worthy  of  the  power 
and  dignity  of  this  great  Nation.  We  realize  that  national 
security  and  national  defense  can  not  be  safely  neglected. 
To  do  so  is  to  put  in  peril  our  domestic  tranquillity  and 
jeopardize  our  respect  and  standing  among  the  other 

Yet  the  American  forces  are  distinctly  the  forces  of 
peace.  They  are  the  guaranties  of  that  order  and  tranquil- 
lity in  this  part  of  the  world,  which  is  alike  beneficial  to 
us  and  all  the  other  nations.  Every  one  knows  that  we 
covet  no  territory,  we  entertain  no  imperialistic  designs, 
we  harbor  no  enmity  toward  any  other  people.  We  seek 
no  revenge,  we  nurse  no  grievances,  we  have  inflicted  no 
injuries,  and  we  fear  no  enemies.  Our  ways  are  the  ways 
of  peace. 

We  are  attempting  to  make  our  contribution  to  the  peace 
of  the  world,  not  in  any  sensational  or  spectacular  way  but 
by  the  application  of  practical,  workable,  seasoned  methods 
and  an  appeal  to  the  common  sense  of  mankind.  We  do 
not  rely  upon  the  threat  of  force  in  our  international  rela- 
tions or  in  our  attempt  to  maintain  our  position  in  the 
world.  We  have  seen  force  tried,  but  the  more  people  study 
its  results  the  more  they  must  be  convinced  that  on  the 
whole  it  has  failed.  Conditions  sometimes  arise  where  it 
seems  that  an  appeal  to  arms  is  inevitable,  but  such  con- 
flicts decide  very  little.  In  the  end  it  is  necessary  to  make 
an  appeal  to  reason,  and  until  adjustments  are  reached  by 
covenants  which  harmonize  with  the  prevailing  sense  of 
justice  a  final  solution  has  not  been  found. 


Ever  since  the  last  great  conflict  the  world  has  been  put- 
ting a  renewed  emphasis,  not  on  preparation  to  succeed  in 
war,  but  on  an  attempt  by  preventing  war  to  succeed  in 
peace.  This  movement  has  the  full  and  complete  appro- 
bation of  the  American  Government  and  the  American 
people.  While  we  have  been  unwilling  to  interfere  in  the 
political  relationship  of  other  countries  and  have  consistently 
refrained  from  intervening  except  when  our  help  has  been 
sought  and  we  have  felt  that  it  could  be  effectively  given, 
we  have  signified  our  willingness  to  become  associated  with 
other  nations  in  a  practical  plan  for  promoting  international 
justice  through  the  World  Court.  Such  a  tribunal  furnishes 
a  method  of  the  adjustment  of  international  differences  in 
accordance  with  our  treaty  rights  and  under  the  generally 
accepted  rules  of  international  law.  When  questions  arise 
which  all  parties  agree  ought  to  be  adjudicated  but  which 
do  not  yield  to  the  ordinary  methods  of  diplomacy,  here  is 
a  forum  to  which  the  parties  may  voluntarily  repair  in  the 
consciousness  that  their  dignity  suffers  no  diminution  and 
that  their  cause  will  be  determined  impartially,  according 
to  the  law  and  the  evidence.  That  is  a  sensible,  direct, 
efficient,  and  practical  method  of  adjusting  differences 
which  can  not  fail  to  appeal  to  the  intelligence  of  the 
American  people. 

But  while  we  put  our  trust  not  on  force  but  on  a  reign  of 
law  and  the  administration  of  justice,  yet  we  know  that  the 
maintenance  of  peace  can  not  but  to  a  large  extent  be  de- 
pendent upon  our  sentiments  and  desires,.  In  spite  of  all 
the  treaties  we  may  make  and  all  the  tribunals  we  may 
establish,  unless  we  maintain  a  public  opinion  devoted  to 
peace  we  can  not  escape  the  ravages  of  war.  A  determina- 
tion to  do  right  will  be  more  effective  than  all  our  treaties 
and  courts,  all  our  armies  and  fleets.  A  peaceful  people  will 
have  peace,  but  a  warlike  people  can  not  escape  war. 

Peace  has  an  economic  foundation  to  which  too  little 


attention  has  been  given.  No  student  can  doubt  that  it  was 
to  a  large  extent  the  economic  condition  of  Europe  that 
drove  those  overburdened  countries  headlong  into  the 
World  War.  They  were  engaged  in  maintaining  competi- 
tive armaments.  If  one  country  laid  the  keel  of  one  war- 
ship, some  other  country  considered  it  necessary  to  lay  the 
keel  of  two  warships.  If  one  country  enrolled  a  regiment, 
some  other  country  enrolled  three  regiments.  Whole 
peoples  were  armed  and  drilled  and  trained  to  the  detri- 
ment of  their  industrial  life,  and  charged  and  taxed  and 
assessed  until  the  burden  could  no  longer  be  borne.  Nations 
cracked  under  the  load  and  sought  relief  from  the  intoler- 
able pressure  by  pillaging  each  other.  It  was  to  avoid  a 
repetition  of  such  a  catastrophe  that  our  Government  pro- 
posed and  brought  to  a  successful  conclusion  the  Washing- 
ton Conference  for  the  Limitation  of  Naval  Armaments. 
We  have  been  altogether  desirous  of  an  extension  of  this 
principle  and  for  that  purpose  have  sent  our  delegates  to  a 
preliminary  conference  of  nations  now  sitting  at  Geneva. 
Out  of  that  conference  we  expect  some  practical  results. 
We  believe  that  other  nations  ought  to  join  with  us  in  lay- 
ing aside  their  suspicions  and  hatreds  sufficiently  to  agree 
among  themselves  upon  methods  of  mutual  relief  from  the 
necessity  of  the  maintenance  of  great  land  and  sea  forces. 
This  can  not  be  done  if  we  constantly  have  in  mind  the 
resort  to  war  for  the  redress  of  wrongs  and  the  enforce- 
ment of  rights.  Europe  has  the  League  of  Nations.  That 
ought  to  be  able  to  provide  those  countries  with  certain 
political  guaranties  which  our  country  does  not  require. 
Besides  this  there  is  the  World  Court,  which  can  certainly 
be  used  for  the  determination  of  all  justiciable  disputes. 
We  should  not  underestimate  the  difficulties  of  European 
nations,  nor  fail  to  extend  to  them  the  highest  degree  of 
patience  and  the  most  sympathetic  consideration.  But  we 
can  not  fail  to  assert  our  conviction  that  they  are  in  great 


need  of  further  limitation  of  armaments  and  our  deter- 
mination to  lend  them  every  assistance  in  the  solution  of 
their  problems.  We  have  entered  the  conference  with  the 
utmost  good  faith  on  our  part  and  in  the  sincere  belief  that 
it  represents  the  utmost  good  faith  on  their  part.  We  want 
to  see  the  problems  that  are  there  presented  stripped  of 
all  technicalities  and  met  and  solved  in  a  way  that  will  se- 
cure practical  results.  We  stand  ready  to  give  our  support 
to  every  effort  that  is  made  in  that  direction. 

While  we  are  thus  desirous  of  the  economic  welfare  of 
other  countries  in  part  because  of  its  relation  to  world  peace, 
we  ought  to  remember  that  our  own  Government  owes  a 
great  duty  to  the  American  people  in  this  direction.  It  is 
for  this  reason  in  part  that  I  have  insisted  upon  a  policy 
of  constructive  economy  in  the  national  administration.  If 
we  can  make  the  circumstances  of  the  people  easy,  if  we 
can  relieve  them  of  the  burden  of  heavy  taxation,  we  shall 
have  contributed  to  that  contentment  and  peace  of  mind 
which  will  go  far  to  render  them  immune  from  any  envious 
inclination  toward  other  countries.  If  the  people  prosper 
in  their  business,  they  will  be  the  less  likely  to  resort  to  the 
irritating  methods  of  competition  in  foreign  trade  out  of 
which  arise  mutual  misunderstandings  and  animosities. 
They  will  not  be  driven  to  the  employment  of  sharp  prac- 
tices in  order  to  support  and  maintain  their  own  position. 
Being  amply  supplied  with  their  own  resources,  they  will  not 
be  so  inclined  to  turn  covetous  eyes  toward  the  resources 
of  other  nations. 

Such  a  condition  will  likewise  give  opportunity  to  devote 
our  surplus  wealth,  not  to  the  payment  of  high  taxes,  but 
to  the  financing  of  the  needs  of  other  nations.  Our  country 
has  already  through  private  sources  recognized  the  require- 
ments in  this  direction  and  has  made  large  advances  to  for- 
eign governments  and  foreign  enterprises  for  the  purpose  of 
reestablishing  their  public  credit  and  their  private  industry. 


By  such  action  we  have  not  only  discharged  an  obligation 
to  humanity,  but  have  likewise  profited  in  our  trade  rela- 
tions and  established  a  community  of  interests  which  can 
not  but  be  an  added  security  for  the  maintenance  of  peace. 
In  so  far  as  we  can  confirm  other  people  in  the  possession 
of  profitable  industry,  without  injuring  ourselves,  we  shall 
have  removed  from  them  that  economic  pressure  productive 
of  those  dissensions,  discords,  and  hostilities  which  are  a 
fruitful  source  of  war. 

It  has  been  in  accordance  with  these  principles  that  we 
have  made  generous  settlements  of  our  foreign  debts.  The 
little  sentiment  of  "live  and  let  live"  expresses  a  great 
truth.  It  has  been  thought  wise  to  extend  the  payment  of 
our  debts  over  a  long  period  of  years,  with  a  very  low  rate 
of  interest,  in  order  to  relieve  foreign  peoples  of  the  burden 
of  economic  pressure  beyond  their  capacity  to  bear.  An 
adjustment  has  now  been  made  of  all  these  major  obliga- 
tions, and  they  have  all  but  one  been  mutually  ratified. 
The  moral  principle  of  the  payment  of  international  debts 
has  been  preserved.  Every  dollar  that  we  have  advanced 
to  these  countries  they  have  promised  to  repay  with  some 
interest.  Our  National  Treasury  is  not  in  the  banking 
business.  We  did  not  make  these  loans  as  a  banking  enter- 
prise. We  made  them  to  a  very  large  extent  as  an  inci- 
dent to  the  prosecution  of  the  war.  We  have  not  sought 
to  adjust  them  on  a  purely  banking  basis.  We  have  taken 
into  consideration  all  the  circumstances  and  the  elements 
that  attended  the  original  transaction  and  all  the  results 
that  will  probably  flow  from  their  settlement.  They  have 
been  liquidated  on  this  broad  moral  and  humanitarian 
basis.  We  believe  that  the  adjustments  which  have  been 
made  will  be  mutually  beneficial  to  the  trade  relations  of 
the  countries  involved  and  that  out  of  these  economic 
benefits  there  will  be  derived  additional  guaranties  to  the 
stability  and  peace  of  the  world. 


But  if  we  are  to  maintain  our  position  of  understanding 
and  good  will  with  the  nations  abroad,  we  must  continue 
to  maintain  the  same  sentiments  at  home.  We  are  situated 
differently  in  this  respect  from  any  other  country.  All  the 
other  great  powers  have  a  comparatively  homogeneous 
population,  close  kindred  in  race  and  blood  and  speech,  and 
commonly  little  divided  in  religious  beliefs.  Our  great  Na- 
tion is  made  up  of  the  strong  and  virile  pioneering  stock  of 
nearly  all  the  countries  of  the  world.  We  have  a  variety 
of  race  and  language  and  religious  belief.  If  any  of  these 
different  peoples  fall  into  disfavor  among  us,  there  comes 
a  quick  reaction  against  the  rest  of  us  from  the  relatives 
and  friends  in  their  place  of  origin  which  affects  the  public 
sentiment  of  that  country,  even  though  it  may  not  be  actu- 
ally expressed  in  the  official  actions  of  their  Government. 
Such  misunderstandings  interfere  with  our  friendly  rela- 
tions, are  harmful  to  our  trade,  and  retard  the  general  prog- 
ress of  civilization.  We  all  subscribe  to  the  principle  of 
religious  liberty  and  toleration  and  equality  of  rights.  This 
principle  is  in  accordance  with  the  fundamental  law  of  the 
land.  It  is  the  very  spirit  of  the  American  Constitution. 
We  all  recognize  and  admit  that  it  ought  to  be  put  into  prac- 
tical operation.  We  know  that  every  argument  of  right  and 
reason  requires  such  action.  Yet  in  time  of  stress  and 
public  agitation  we  have  too  great  a  tendency  to  disregard 
this  policy  and  indulge  in  race  hatred,  religious  intolerance, 
and  disregard  of  equal  rights.  Such  sentiments  are  bound 
to  react  upon  those  who  harbor  them.  Instead  of  being  a 
benefit  they  are  a  positive  injury.  We  do  not  have  to  ex- 
amine history  very  far  before  we  see  whole  countries  that 
have  been  blighted,  whole  civilizations  that  have  been  shat- 
tered by  a  spirit  of  intolerance.  They  are  destructive  of 
order  and  progress  at  home  and  a  danger  to  peace  and  good 
will  abroad.  No  better  example  exists  of  toleration  than 
that  which  is  exhibited  by  those  who  wore  the  blue  toward 


those  who  wore  the  gray.  Our  condition  to-day  is  not 
merely  that  of  one  people  under  one  flag,  but  of  a  thor- 
oughly united  people  who  have  seen  bitterness  and  enmity 
which  once  threatened  to  sever  them  pass  away,  and  a 
spirit  of  kindness  and  good  will  reign  over  them  all. 

The  success  with  which  we  have  met  in  all  of  these  un- 
dertakings is  a  matter  of  universal  knowledge.  We  are  at 
peace  with  all  the  world.  Those  of  this  generation  who 
passed  through  the  World  War  have  had  an  experience 
which  will  always  cause  them  to  realize  what  an  infinite 
blessing  peace  is.  We  are  in  an  era  of  unbounded  pros- 
perity. The  financial  condition  of  our  National  Govern- 
ment is  beginning  to  be  more  easy  to  be  borne.  While 
many  other  nations  and  many  localities  within  our  own 
country  are  struggling  with  a  burden  of  increased  debts 
and  rising  taxes,  which  makes  them  seek  for  new  sources 
from  which  by  further  taxation  they  can  secure  new  rev- 
enues, we  have  made  large  progress  toward  paying  off  our 
national  debt,  have  greatly  reduced  our  national  taxes,  and 
been  able  to  relieve  the  people  by  abandoning  altogether 
many  sources  of  national  revenue.  We  are  not  required  to 
look  altogether  to  the  future  for  our  rewards  and  find  in 
our  lot  nothing  but  sacrifices  for  the  present.  Now,  here, 
to-day,  we  are  all  able  to  enjoy  those  benefits  which  come 
from  universal  peace  and  nation-wide  prosperity. 

As  these  old  soldiers,  the  living  descendants  of  the  spirit 
of  Washington  that  made  our  country,  go  down  toward  the 
setting  sun,  representing  the  spirit  of  Lincoln,  who  saved 
our  country,  they  will  have  the  satisfaction  of  knowing  that 
they  are  leaving  behind  them  the  same  spirit,  still  un- 
daunted, still  ready  to  maintain  in  the  future  a  more  abid- 
ing peace  and  a  more  abounding  prosperity,  under  which 
America  can  continue  to  work  for  the  salvation  of  the 


In  its  main  features  the  Declaration  of  Inde- 
pendence is  a  great  spiritual  document.  It  is  a 
declaration  not  of  material  but  of  spiritual  con- 
ceptions. Equality,  liberty,  popular  sover- 
eignty, the  rights  of  man — these  are  not  elements 
which  we  can  see  and  touch.  They  are  ideals. 
They  have  their  source  and  their  roots  in  the  re- 
ligious convictions.  They  belong  to  the  unseen 
world.  Unless  the  faith  of  the  American  people 
in  these  religious  convictions  is  to  endure,  the 
principles  of  our  Declaration  will  perish.  We 
can  not  continue  to  enjoy  the  result  if  we  neg- 
lect and  abandon  the  cause. 


We  meet  to  celebrate  the  birthday  of  America.  The 
coming  of  a  new  life  always  excites  our  interest.  Although 
we  know  in  the  case  of  the  individual  that  it  has  been  an 
infinite  repetition  reaching  back  beyond  our  vision,  that 
only  makes  it  the  more  wonderful.  But  how  our  interest 
and  wonder  increase  when  we  behold  the  miracle  of  the 
birth  of  a  new  nation.  It  is  to  pay  our  tribute  of  reverence 
and  respect  to  those  who  participated  in  such  a  mighty 
event  that  we  annually  observe  the  fourth  day  of  July. 
Whatever  may  have  been  the  impression  created  by  the  news 
which  went  out  from  this  city  on  that  summer  day  in  1776, 
there  can  be  no  doubt  as  to  the  estimate  which  is  now 
placed  upon  it.  At  the  end  of  150  years  the  four  corners 
of  the  earth  unite  in  coming  to  Philadelphia  as  to  a  holy 
shrine  in  grateful  acknowledgement  of  a  service  so  great, 
which  a  few  inspired  men  here  rendered  to  humanity,  that 
it  is  still  the  preeminent  support  of  free  government 
throughout  the  world. 

Although  a  century  and  a  half  measured  in  comparison 
with  the  length  of  human  experience  is  but  a  short  time, 
yet  measured  in  the  life  of  governments  and  nations  it 
ranks  as  a  very  respectable  period.  Certainly  enough  time 
has  elapsed  to  demonstrate  with  a  great  deal  of  thorough- 
ness the  value  of  our  institutions  and  their  dependability 
as  rules  for  the  regulation  of  human  conduct  and  the  ad- 
vancement of  civilization.  They  have  been  in  existence 
long  enough  to  become  very  well  seasoned.  They  have 
met,  and  met  successfully,  the  test  of  experience. 

At  Philadelphia,  July  5,  1926,  celebrating  the  one  hundred  and  fiftieth 
anniversary  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence. 



It  is  not  so  much  then  for  the  purpose  of  undertaking  to 
proclaim  new  theories  and  principles  that  this  annual  cele- 
bration is  maintained,  but  rather  to  reaffirm  and  reestablish 
those  old  theories  and  principles  which  time  and  the  un- 
erring logic  of  events  have  demonstrated  to  be  sound. 
Amid  all  the  clash  of  conflicting  interests,  amid  all  the 
welter  of  partisan  politics,  every  American  can  turn  for 
solace  and  consolation  to  the  Declaration  of  Independence 
and  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  with  the  assur- 
ance and  confidence  that  those  two  great  charters  of  free- 
dom and  justice  remain  firm  and  unshaken.  Whatever 
perils  appear,  whatever  dangers  threaten,  the  Nation  re- 
mains secure  in  the  knowledge  that  the  ultimate  applica- 
tion of  the  law  of  the  land  will  provide  an  adequate  defense 
and  protection. 

It  is  little  wonder  that  people  at  home  and  abroad  con- 
sider Independence  Hall  as  hallowed  ground  and  revere 
the  Liberty  Bell  as  a  sacred  relic.  That  pile  of  bricks  and 
mortar,  that  mass  of  metal,  might  appear  to  the  unin- 
structed  as  only  the  outgrown  meeting  place  and  the  shat- 
tered bell  of  a  former  time,  useless  now  because  of  more 
modern  conveniences,  but  to  those  who  know  they  have 
become  consecrated  by  the  use  which  men  have  made  of 
them.  They  have  long  been  identified  with  a  great  cause. 
They  are  the  framework  of  a  spiritual  event.  The  world 
looks  upon  them,  because  of  their  associations  of  one  hun- 
dred and  fifty  years  ago,  as  it  looks  upon  the  Holy  Land 
because  of  what  took  place  there  nineteen  hundred  years 
ago.  Through  use  for  a  righteous  purpose  they  have  be- 
come sanctified. 

It  is  not  here  necessary  to  examine  in  detail  the  causes 
which  led  to  the  American  Revolution.  In  their  immedi- 
ate occasion  they  were  largely  economic.  The  colonists 
objected  to  the  navigation  laws  which  interfered  with  their 
trade,  they  denied  the  power  of  Parliament  to  impose  taxes 


which  they  were  obliged  to  pay,  and  they  therefore  resisted 
the  royal  governors  and  the  royal  forces  which  were  sent  to 
secure  obedience  to  these  laws.  But  the  conviction  is  in- 
escapable that  a  new  civilization  had  come,  a  new  spirit 
had  arisen  on  this  side  of  the  Atlantic  more  advanced  and 
more  developed  in  its  regard  for  the  rights  of  the  individual 
than  that  which  characterized  the  Old  World.  Life  in  a 
new  and  open  country  had  aspirations  which  could  not  be 
realized  in  any  subordinate  position.  A  separate  establish- 
ment was  ultimately  inevitable.  It  had  been  decreed  by 
the  very  laws  of  human  nature.  Man  everywhere  has 
an  unconquerable  desire  to  be  the  master  of  his  own 

We  are  obliged  to  conclude  that  the  Declaration  of  Inde- 
pendence represented  the  movement  of  a  people.  It  was  not, 
of  course,  a  movement  from  the  top.  Revolutions  do  not 
come  from  that  direction.  It  was  not  without  the  support  of 
many  of  the  most  respectable  people  in  the  Colonies,  who 
were  entitled  to  all  the  consideration  that  is  given  to  breed- 
ing, education,  and  possessions.  It  had  the  support  of  an- 
other element  of  great  significance  and  importance  to  which 
I  shall  later  refer.  But  the  preponderance  of  all  those  who 
occupied  a  position  which  took  on  the  aspect  of  aristocracy 
did  not  approve  of  the  Revolution  and  held  toward  it  an 
attitude  either  of  neutrality  or  open  hostility.  It  was  in 
no  sense  a  rising  of  the  oppressed  and  downtrodden.  It 
brought  no  scum  to  the  surface,  for  the  reason  that  colonial 
society  had  developed  no  scum.  The  great  body  of  the 
people  were  accustomed  to  privations,  but  they  were  free 
from  depravity.  If  they  had  poverty,  it  was  not  of  the 
hopeless  kind  that  afflicts  great  cities,  but  the  inspiring  kind 
that  marks  the  spirit  of  the  pioneer.  The  American  Revo- 
lution represented  the  informed  and  mature  convictions  of 
a  great  mass  of  independent,  liberty-loving,  God-fearing 


people  who  knew  their  rights,  and  possessed  the  courage  to 
dare  to  maintain  them. 

The  Continental  Congress  was  not  only  composed  of 
great  men,  but  it  represented  a  great  people.  While  its 
members  did  not  fail  to  exercise  a  remarkable  leadership, 
they  were  equally  observant  of  their  representative  capa- 
city. They  were  industrious  in  encouraging  their  con- 
stituents to  instruct  them  to  support  independence.  But 
until  such  instructions  were  given  they  were  inclined  to 
withhold  action. 

While  North  Carolina  has  the  honor  of  first  authorizing 
its  delegates  to  concur  with  other  Colonies  in  declaring 
independence,  it  was  quickly  followed  by  South  Carolina 
and  Georgia,  which  also  gave  general  instructions  broad 
enough  to  include  such  action.  But  the  first  instructions 
which  unconditionally  directed  its  delegates  to  declare  for 
independence  came  from  the  great  Commonwealth  of  Vir- 
ginia. These  were  immediately  followed  by  Rhode  Island 
and  Massachusetts,  while  the  other  Colonies,  with  the  ex- 
ception of  New  York,  soon  adopted  a  like  course. 

This  obedience  of  the  delegates  to  the  wishes  of  their  con- 
stituents, which  in  some  cases  caused  them  to  modify  their 
previous  positions,  is  a  matter  of  great  significance.  It 
reveals  an  orderly  process  of  government  in  the  first  place ; 
but  more  than  that,  it  demonstrates  that  the  Declaration 
of  Independence  was  the  result  of  the  seasoned  and  de- 
liberate thought  of  the  dominant  portion  of  the  people  of 
the  Colonies.  Adopted  after  long  discussion  and  as  the 
result  of  the  duly  authorized  expression  of  the  preponder- 
ance of  public  opinion,  it  did  not  partake  of  dark  intrigue 
or  hidden  conspiracy.  It  was  well  advised.  It  had  about 
it  nothing  of  the  lawless  and  disordered  nature  of  a  riotous 
insurrection.  It  was  maintained  on  a  plane  which  rises 
above  the  ordinary  conception  of  rebellion.  It  was  in  no 
sense  a  radical  movement  but  took  on  the  dignity  of  a 


resistance  to  illegal  usurpations.  It  was  conservative  and 
represented  the  action  of  the  colonists  to  maintain  their 
constitutional  rights  which  from  time  immemorial  had  been 
guaranteed  to  them  under  the  law  of  the  land. 

When  we  come  to  examine  the  action  of  the  Continental 
Congress  in  adopting  the  Declaration  of  Independence  in 
the  light  of  what  was  set  out  in  that  great  document  and 
in  the  light  of  succeeding  events,  we  can  not  escape  the 
conclusion  that  it  had  a  much  broader  and  deeper  signifi- 
cance than  a  mere  secession  of  territory  and  the  establish- 
ment of  a  new  nation.  Events  of  that  nature  have  been 
taking  place  since  the  dawn  of  history.  One  empire  after 
another  has  arisen,  only  to  crumble  away  as  its  constitu- 
ent parts  separated  from  each  other  and  set  up  independent 
governments  of  their  own.  Such  actions  long  ago  became 
commonplace.  They  have  occurred  too  often  to  hold  the 
attention  of  the  world  and  command  the  admiration  and 
reverence  of  humanity.  There  is  something  beyond  the 
establishment  of  a  new  nation,  great  as  that  event  would 
be,  in  the  Declaration  of  Independence  which  has  ever  since 
caused  it  to  be  regarded  as  one  of  the  great  charters  that 
not  only  was  to  liberate  America  but  was  everywhere  to 
ennoble  humanity. 

It  was  not  because  it  was  proposed  to  establish  a  new 
nation,  but  because  it  was  proposed  to  establish  a  nation 
on  new  principles,  that  July  4,  1776,  has  come  to  be  re- 
garded as  one  of  the  greatest  days  in  history.  Great  ideas 
do  not  burst  upon  the  world  unannounced.  They  are 
reached  by  a  gradual  development  over  a  length  of  time 
usually  proportionate  to  their  importance.  This  is  espe- 
cially true  of  the  principles  laid  down  in  the  Declaration 
of  Independence.  Three  very  definite  propositions  were 
set  out  in  its  preamble  regarding  the  nature  of  mankind 
and  therefore  of  government.  These  were  the  doctrine 
that  all  men  are  created  equal,  that  they  are  endowed  with 


certain  inalienable  rights,  and  that  therefore  the  source  of 
the  just  powers  of  government  must  be  derived  from  the 
consent  of  the  governed. 

If  no  one  is  to  be  accounted  as  born  into  a  superior  sta- 
tion, if  there  is  to  be  no  ruling  class,  and  if  all  possess 
rights  which  can  neither  be  bartered  away  nor  taken  from 
them  by  any  earthly  power,  it  follows  as  a  matter  of  course 
that  the  practical  authority  of  the  Government  has  to  rest 
on  the  consent  of  the  governed.  While  these  principles 
were  not  altogether  new  in  political  action,  and  were  very 
far  from  new  in  political  speculation,  they  had  never  been 
assembled  before  and  declared  in  such  a  combination.  But 
remarkable  as  this  may  be,  it  is  not  the  chief  distinction  of 
the  Declaration  of  Independence.  The  importance  of  poli- 
tical speculation  is  not  to  be  under-estimated,  as  I  shall 
presently  disclose.  Until  the  idea  is  developed  and  the 
plan  made  there  can  be  no  action. 

It  was  the  fact  that  our  Declaration  of  Independence 
containing  these  immortal  truths  was  the  political  action  of 
a  duly  authorized  and  constituted  representative  public 
body  in  its  sovereign  capacity,  supported  by  the  force  of 
general  opinion  and  by  the  armies  of  Washington  already 
in  the  field,  which  makes  it  the  most  important  civil  docu- 
ment in  the  world.  It  was  not  only  the  principles  declared, 
but  the  fact  that  therewith  a  new  nation  was  born  which 
was  to  be  founded  upon  those  principles  and  which  from 
that  time  forth  in  its  development  has  actually  maintained 
those  principles,  that  makes  this  pronouncement  an  incom- 
parable event  in  the  history  of  government.  It  was  an 
assertion  that  a  people  had  arisen  determined  to  make 
every  necessary  sacrifice  for  the  support  of  these  truths 
and  by  their  practical  application  bring  the  War  of  Inde- 
pendence to  a  successful  conclusion  and  adopt  the  Constitu- 
tion of  the  United  States  with  all  that  it  has  meant  to 


The  idea  that  the  people  have  a  right  to  choose  their 
own  rulers  was  not  new  in  political  history.  It  was  the 
foundation  of  every  popular  attempt  to  depose  an  unde- 
sirable king.  This  right  was  set  out  with  a  good  deal  of 
detail  by  the  Dutch  when  as  early  as  July  26,  1581,  they 
declared  their  independence  of  Philip  of  Spain.  In  their 
long  struggle  with  the  Stuarts  the  British  people  asserted 
the  same  principles,  which  finally  culminated  in  the  Bill 
of  Rights  deposing  the  last  of  that  house  and  placing  Wil- 
liam and  Mary  on  the  throne.  In  each  of  these  cases  sov- 
ereignty through  divine  right  was  displaced  by  sovereignty 
through  the  consent  of  the  people.  Running  through  the 
same  documents,  though  expressed  in  different  terms,  is  the 
clear  inference  of  inalienable  rights.  But  we  should  search 
these  charters  in  vain  for  an  assertion  of  the  doctrine  of 
equality.  This  principle  had  not  before  appeared  as  an 
official  political  declaration  of  any  nation.  It  was  pro- 
foundly revolutionary.  It  is  one  of  the  corner  stones  of 
American  institutions. 

But  if  these  truths  to  which  the  declaration  refers  have 
not  before  been  adopted  in  their  combined  entirety  by  na- 
tional authority,  it  is  a  fact  that  they  had  been  long  pon- 
dered and  often  expressed  in  political  speculation.  It  is 
generally  assumed  that  French  thought  had  some  effect 
upon  our  public  mind  during  Revolutionary  days.  This 
may  have  been  true.  But  the  principles  of  our  declaration 
had  been  under  discussion  in  the  Colonies  for  nearly  two 
generations  before  the  advent  of  the  French  political  philo- 
sophy that  characterized  the  middle  of  the  eighteenth  cen- 
tury. In  fact,  they  come  from  an  earlier  date.  A  very 
positive  echo  of  what  the  Dutch  had  done  in  1581,  and  what 
the  English  were  preparing  to  do,  appears  in  the  assertion 
of  the  Rev.  Thomas  Hooker  of  Connecticut  as  early  as 
1638,  when  he  said  in  a  sermon  before  the  General  Court 
that — 


"The  foundation  of  authority  is  laid  in  the  free  consent  of 
the  people. 

"The  choice  of  public  magistrates  belongs  unto  the  people 
by  God's  own  allowance." 

This  doctrine  found  wide  acceptance  among  the  noncon- 
formist clergy  who  later  made  up  the  Congregational 
Church.  The  great  apostle  of  this  movement  was  the  Rev. 
John  Wise,  of  Massachusetts.  He  was  one  of  the  leaders 
of  the  revolt  against  the  royal  governor  Andros  in  1687, 
for  which  he  suffered  imprisonment.  He  was  a  liberal  in 
ecclesiastical  controversies.  He  appears  to  have  been  fa- 
miliar with  the  writings  of  the  political  scientist,  Samuel 
Pufendorf,  who  was  born  in  Saxony  in  1632.  Wise  pub- 
lished a  treatise,  entitled  "The  Church's  Quarrel  Espoused," 
in  1710,  which  was  amplified  in  another  publication  in  1717. 
In  it  he  dealt  with  the  principles  of  civil  government.  His 
works  were  reprinted  in  1772  and  have  been  declared  to 
have  been  nothing  less  than  a  textbook  of  liberty  for  our 
Revolutionary  fathers. 

While  the  written  word  was  the  foundation,  it  is  ap- 
parent that  the  spoken  word  was  the  vehicle  for  convincing 
the  people.  This  came  with  great  force  and  wide  range 
from  the  successors  of  Hooker  and  Wise.  It  was  carried 
on  with  a  missionary  spirit  which  did  not  fail  to  reach  the 
Scotch-Irish  of  North  Carolina,  showing  its  influence  by 
significantly  making  that  Colony  the  first  to  give  instruc- 
tions to  its  delegates  looking  to  independence.  This  preach- 
ing reached  the  neighborhood  of  Thomas  Jefferson,  who 
acknowledged  that  his  "best  ideas  of  democracy"  had  been 
secured  at  church  meetings. 

That  these  ideas  were  prevalent  in  Virginia  is  further 
revealed  by  the  Declaration  of  Rights,  which  was  prepared 
by  George  Mason  and  presented  to  the  general  assembly 
on  May  27,  1776.  This  document  asserted  popular  sover- 
eignty and  inherent  natural  rights,  but  confined  the  doctrine 


of  equality  to  the  assertion  that  "All  men  are  created  equally 
free  and  independent."  It  can  scarcely  be  imagined  that 
Jefferson  was  unacquainted  with  what  had  been  done  in 
his  own  Commonwealth  of  Virginia  when  he  took  up  the 
task  of  drafting  the  Declaration  of  Independence.  But 
these  thoughts  can  very  largely  be  traced  back  to  what 
John  Wise  was  writing  in  1710.  He  said,  "Every  man  must 
be  acknowledged  equal  to  every  man."  Again,  "The  end  of 
all  good  government  is  to  cultivate  humanity  and  promote 
the  happiness  of  all  and  the  good  of  every  man  in  all  his 
rights,  his  life,  liberty,  estate,  honor,  and  so  forth  *  *  *." 

And  again,  "For  as  they  have  a  power  every  man  in  his 
natural  state,  so  upon  combination  they  can  and  do  bequeath 
this  power  to  others  and  settle  it  according  as  their  united 
discretion  shall  determine."  And  still  again,  "Democracy 
is  Christ's  government  in  church  and  state."  Here  was  the 
doctrine  of  equality,  popular  sovereignty,  and  the  substance 
of  the  theory  of  inalienable  rights  clearly  asserted  by  Wise 
at  the  opening  of  the  eighteenth  century,  just  as  we  have 
the  principle  of  the  consent  of  the  governed  stated  by 
Hooker  as  early  as  1638. 

When  we  take  all  these  circumstances  into  consideration, 
it  is  but  natural  that  the  first  paragraph  of  the  Declaration 
of  Independence  should  open  with  a  reference  to  Nature's 
God  and  should  close  in  the  final  paragraphs  with  an 
appeal  to  the  Supreme  Judge  of  the  world  and  an  assertion 
of  a  firm  reliance  on  Divine  Providence.  Coming  from 
these  sources,  having  as  it  did  this  background,  it  is  no 
wonder  that  Samuel  Adams  could  say  "The  people  seem  to 
recognize  this  resolution  as  though  it  were  a  decree  promul- 
gated from  heaven." 

No  one  can  examine  this  record  and  escape  the  conclu- 
sion that  in  the  great  outline  of  its  principles  the  Declara- 
tion was  the  result  of  the  religious  teachings  of  the 
preceding  period.     The  profound  philosophy  which  Jona- 


than  Edwards  applied  to  theology,  the  popular  preaching 
of  George  Whitefield,  had  aroused  the  thought  and  stirred 
the  people  of  the  Colonies  in  preparation  for  this  great 
event.  No  doubt  the  speculations  which  had  been  going  on 
in  England,  and  especially  on  the  Continent,  lent  their 
influence  to  the  general  sentiment  of  the  times.  Of  course, 
the  world  is  always  influenced  by  all  the  experience  and  all 
the  thought  of  the  past.  But  when  we  come  to  a  contem- 
plation of  the  immediate  conception  of  the  principles  of 
human  relationship  which  went  into  the  Declaration  of 
Independence  we  are  not  required  to  extend  our  search  be- 
yond our  own  shores.  They  are  found  in  the  texts,  the  ser- 
mons, and  the  writings  of  the  early  colonial  clergy  who  were 
earnestly  undertaking  to  instruct  their  congregations  in 
the  great  mystery  of  how  to  live.  They  preached  equality 
because  they  believed  in  the  fatherhood  of  God  and  the 
brotherhood  of  man.  They  justified  freedom  by  the  text 
that  we  are  all  created  in  the  divine  image,  all  partakers 
of  the  divine  spirit. 

Placing  every  man  on  a  plane  where  he  acknowledged 
no  superiors,  where  no  one  possessed  any  right  to  rule  over 
him,  he  must  inevitably  choose  his  own  rulers  through  a 
system  of  self-government.  This  was  their  theory  of 
democracy.  In  those  days  such  doctrines  would  scarcely 
have  been  permitted  to  flourish  and  spread  in  any  other 
country.  This  was  the  purpose  which  the  fathers  cherished. 
In  order  that  they  might  have  freedom  to  express  these 
thoughts  and  opportunity  to  put  them  into  action,  whole 
congregations  with  their  pastors  had  migrated  to  the  colo- 
nies. These  great  truths  were  in  the  air  that  our  people 
breathed.  Whatever  else  we  may  say  of  it,  the  Declaration 
of  Independence  was  profoundly  American. 

If  this  apprehension  of  the  facts  be  correct,  and  the 
documentary  evidence  would  appear  to  verify  it,  then  cer- 
tain conclusions  are  bound  to  follow.    A  spring  will  cease  to 


flow  if  its  source  be  dried  up;  a  tree  will  wither  if  its 
roots  be  destroyed.  In  its  main  features  the  Declaration 
of  Independence  is  a  great  spiritual  document.  It  is  a 
declaration  not  of  material  but  of  spiritual  conceptions. 
Equality,  liberty,  popular  sovereignty,  the  rights  of  man — 
these  are  not  elements  which  we  can  see  and  touch.  They 
are  ideals.  They  have  their  source  and  their  roots  in  the 
religious  convictions.  They  belong  to  the  unseen  world. 
Unless  the  faith  of  the  American  people  in  these  religious 
convictions  is  to  endure,  the  principles  of  our  Declaration 
will  perish.  We  can  not  continue  to  enjoy  the  result  if  we 
neglect  and  abandon  the  cause. 

We  are  too  prone  to  overlook  another  conclusion.  Gov- 
ernments do  not  make  ideals,  but  ideals  make  governments. 
This  is  both  historically  and  logically  true.  Of  course  the 
government  can  help  to  sustain  ideals  and  can  create  insti- 
tutions through  which  they  can  be  the  better  observed, 
but  their  source  by  their  very  nature  is  in  the  people.  The 
people  have  to  bear  their  own  responsibilities.  There  is 
no  method  by  which  that  burden  can  be  shifted  to  the 
government.  It  is  not  the  enactment,  but  the  observance 
of  laws,  that  creates  the  character  of  a  nation. 

About  the  Declaration  there  is  a  finality  that  is  exceed- 
ingly restful.  It  is  often  asserted  that  the  world  has  made 
a  great  deal  of  progress  since  1776,  that  we  have  had  new 
thoughts  and  new  experiences  which  have  given  us  a  great 
advance  over  the  people  of  that  day,  and  that  we  may 
therefore  very  well  discard  their  conclusions  for  something 
more  modern.  But  that  reasoning  can  not  be  applied  to 
this  great  charter.  If  all  men  are  created  equal,  that  is  final. 
If  they  are  endowed  with  inalienable  rights,  that  is  final. 
If  governments  derive  their  just  powers  from  the  consent 
of  the  governed,  that  is  final.  No  advance,  no  progress  can 
be  made  beyond  these  propositions.  If  anyone  wishes  to 
deny  their  truth  or  their  soundness,  the  only  direction  in 


which  he  can  proceed  historically  is  not  forward,  but  back- 
ward toward  the  time  when  there  was  no  equality,  no 
rights  of  the  individual,  no  rule  of  the  people.  Those  who 
wish  to  proceed  in  that  direction  can  not  lay  claim  to  prog- 
ress. They  are  reactionary.  Their  ideas  are  not  more 
modern,  but  more  ancient,  than  those  of  the  Revolutionary 

In  the  development  of  its  institutions  America  can  fairly 
claim  that  it  has  remained  true  to  the  principles  which  were 
declared  150  years  ago.  In  all  the  essentials  we  have 
achieved  an  equality  which  was  never  possessed  by  any 
other  people.  Even  in  the  less  important  matter  of  mate- 
rial possessions  we  have  secured  a  wider  and  wider  distribu- 
tion of  wealth.  The  rights  of  the  individual  are  held  sacred 
and  protected  by  constitutional  guaranties,  which  even  the 
Government  itself  is  bound  not  to  violate.  If  there  is  any 
one  thing  among  us  that  is  established  beyond  question,  it  is 
self-government — the  right  of  the  people  to  rule.  If  there 
is  any  failure  in  respect  to  any  of  these  principles,  it  is 
because  there  is  a  failure  on  the  part  of  individuals  to  ob- 
serve them.  We  hold  that  the  duly  authorized  expression 
of  the  will  of  the  people  has  a  divine  sanction.  But  even 
in  that  we  come  back  to  the  theory  of  John  Wise  that  "De- 
mocracy is  Christ's  government  *  *  *."  The  ultimate 
sanction  of  law  rests  on  the  righteous  authority  of  the  Al- 

On  an  occasion  like  this  a  great  temptation  exists  to  pre- 
sent evidence  of  the  practical  success  of  our  form  of  demo- 
cratic republic  at  home  and  the  ever-broadening  acceptance 
it  is  securing  abroad.  Although  these  things  are  well 
known,  their  frequent  consideration  is  an  encouragement 
and  an  inspiration.  But  it  is  not  results  and  effects  so 
much  as  sources  and  causes  that  I  believe  it  is  even  more 
necessary  constantly  to  contemplate.  Ours  is  a  govern- 
ment of  the  people.    It  represents  their  will.    Its  officers 


may  sometimes  go  astray,  but  that  is  not  a  reason  for  criti- 
cizing the  principles  of  our  institutions.  The  real  heart  of 
the  American  Government  depends  upon  the  heart  of  the 
people.  It  is  from  that  source  that  we  must  look  for  all 
genuine  reform.  It  is  to  that  cause  that  we  must  ascribe  all 
our  results. 

It  was  in  the  contemplation  of  these  truths  that  the  fath- 
ers made  their  declaration  and  adopted  their  Constitution. 
It  was  to  establish  a  free  government,  which  must  not  be 
permitted  to  degenerate  into  the  unrestrained  authority 
of  a  mere  majority  or  the  unbridled  weight  of  a  mere  in- 
fluential few.  They  undertook  the  balance  these  interests 
against  each  other  and  provide  the  three  separate  independ- 
ent branches,  the  executive,  the  legislative,  and  the  judicial 
departments  of  the  Government,  with  checks  against  each 
other  in  order  that  neither  one  might  encroach  upon  the 
other.  These  are  our  guaranties  of  liberty.  As  a  result 
of  these  methods  enterprise  has  been  duly  protected  from 
confiscation,  the  people  have  been  free  from  oppression, 
and  there  has  been  an  ever-broadening  and  deepening  of  the 
humanities  of  life. 

Under  a  system  of  popular  government  there  will  always 
be  those  who  will  seek  for  political  preferment  by  clamor- 
ing for  reform.  While  there  is  very  little  of  this  which  is 
not  sincere,  there  is  a  large  portion  that  is  not  well  in- 
formed. In  my  opinion  very  little  of  just  criticism  can  at- 
tach to  the  theories  and  principles  of  our  institutions. 
There  is  far  more  danger  of  harm  than  there  is  hope  of  good 
in  any  radical  changes.  We  do  need  a  better  understanding 
and  comprehension  of  them  and  a  better  knowledge  of  the 
foundations  of  government  in  general.  Our  forefathers 
came  to  certain  conclusions  and  decided  upon  certain 
courses  of  action  which  have  been  a  great  blessing  to  the 
world.  Before  we  can  understand  their  conclusions  we  must 
go  back  and  review  the  course  which  they  followed.    WTe 


must  think  the  thoughts  which  they  thought.  Their  intel- 
lectual life  centered  around  the  meeting-house.  They  were 
intent  upon  religious  worship.  While  there  were  always 
among  them  men  of  deep  learning,  and  later  those  who 
had  comparatively  large  possessions,  the  mind  of  the  people 
was  not  so  much  engrossd  in  how  much  they  knew,  or 
how  much  they  had,  as  in  how  they  were  going  to  live. 
While  scantily  provided  with  other  literature,  there  was  a 
wide  acquaintance  with  the  Scriptures.  Over  a  period  as 
great  as  that  which  measures  the  existence  of  our  independ- 
ence they  were  subject  to  this  discipline  not  only  in  their 
religious  life  and  educational  training,  but  also  in  their 
political  thought.  They  were  a  people  who  came  under 
the  influence  of  a  great  spiritual  development  and  acquired 
a  great  moral  power. 

No  other  theory  is  adequate  to  explain  or  comprehend 
the  Declaration  of  Independence.  It  is  the  product  of  the 
spiritual  insight  of  the  people.  We  live  in  an  age  of  sci- 
ence and  of  abounding  accumulation  of  material  things. 
These  did  not  create  our  Declaration.  Our  Declaration  cre- 
ated them.  The  things  of  the  spirit  come  first.  Unless  we 
cling  to  that,  all  our  material  prosperity,  overwhelming 
though  it  may  appear,  will  turn  to  a  barren  sceptre  in  our 
grasp.  If  we  are  to  maintain  the  great  heritage  which  has 
been  bequeathed  to  us,  we  must  be  like-minded  as  the 
fathers  who  created  it.  We  must  not  sink  into  a  pagan  ma- 
terialism. We  must  cultivate  the  reverence  which  they  had 
for  the  things  that  are  holy.  We  must  follow  the  spiritual 
and  moral  leadership  which  they  showed.  We  must  keep 
replenished,  that  they  may  glow  with  a  more  compelling 
flame,  the  altar  fires  before  which  they  worshipped. 


Absolutism,  183,  184. 

Adams,  John,  54,  154,  274,  275,  306, 

Adams,  Samuel,  403,  404;  quoted, 

Africa,  32. 

Aggrandizement,    military,    24. 

Agriculture,  203,  280-282,  335  ff.; 
cooperative  movement  in,  347-349. 

Agriculture,  Department  of,  348,  350. 

Alarcon,  Juan  Ruiz  de,  371. 

Alvarez,   Dr.  Alejandro,   372. 

America,  national  unity  of,  15,  16, 
22,  23,  26,  250,  409;  early  begin- 
nings of,  54-56;  services  of,  to 
Europe,  99,  100,  144,  163-165;  193, 
197-199,  300,  327  ff.;  variety  of 
racial  elements  in,  159  ff .,  250,  297, 
436 ;  reasons  for  migration  to,  161 ; 
spiritual  unification  in,  209  ff.;  the 
melting  pot,  250;  contribution  of, 
to  financial  stability  of  the  world, 
328,  329,  435. 

American  Expeditionary  Forces, 
First  Division  of,  135 ff.;  war  rec- 
ord of,  136-138. 

American  ideals,  53-55,  77,  83,  85, 
96-98,  108-112,  142,  194-196,  205, 
300,  331,  454. 

American  Legion,  the,  287  ff.,  390. 

American  principles,  51  ff .,  67  ff.,  97, 
98,  106  ff.,  144,  145,  175,  204,  231, 
260,  293,  306,  309,  380,  436,  447, 
452,  453. 

Americanism,  194,  195,  298-301,  415. 

Amundsen,  252. 

Anarchy,  110. 

Anderson,  Colonel  Henry  W.,  402. 

Andros,  448. 

Anniversaries,  commemoration  of, 

Antaeus,  the  Giant,  67. 

Appropriations  Committees,  the,  46. 

Arbitration,  international,  24-26, 
196,  432;  voluntary  and  compul- 
sory labor,  81. 

Argentina,  305,  308,  369. 

Arlington  National  Cemetery,  16, 
19,  221,  429. 

Armaments,  Conference  for  Limita- 
tion of,  77,  357,  433. 

Armaments,  limitation  of,  24,  196, 
241,  243,  292,  293,  433;  competi- 
tive, 292,  433. 

Armenia,  329. 

Army,  maintenance  of  an  adequate, 
24,  84. 

Army,  United  States,  291. 

Arnett,  Hannah,  378. 

Artigas,  306. 

Asbury,  Bishop  Francis,   149  ff. 

"Association,  The,"  118,  119. 

Atheists,  68. 

Athletics,  7,  9. 

Australia,  326,  385. 

Austria,  99,  327,  329. 

Authority,  106,  107. 

Baden-Powell,  Sir  Robert,  390. 

Baltimore,  the,  424. 

Baseball,  9;   professional,   131;   the 

Washington  Team,  129  ff. 
Belgium,  328. 
Bello,  Andres,  370. 
Bible,  the,  in  the  Colonies,  212,  213, 

218,  454. 
Bilac,  Olavo,  370. 
Bill  of  Rights,  British,  447. 
Blake,  Tiany,  153. 
Bolivar,  306. 
Boston  port  till,  the,  272. 




Box  board  workers,  78. 

Boy  Scouts,  67  ff.,  389  ff. 

Boyle,  Robert,  407. 

Braddock,  General,  270,  275. 

Brazil,  369. 

Bricklayers,  European,  80. 

Brotherhood  of  man,  108,  109,  143, 
195,  198,  248,  250,  300,  305, 

Budgets,  169 ff.;  the  system  of,  39, 
41  ff.,  46,  358. 

Bullard,  Robert  L.,  138. 

Bunker  Hill,  Battle  of,  275. 

Bureau  of  the  Budget,  46,  47. 

Bureau  of  Education,  61. 

Bureaucracy,  410,  411. 

Burgesses,  House  of,  403. 

Burglaries,  230. 

Burke,  118. 

Burns,  Robert,  105,  quoted,  106. 

Bush,  Matthias,  214. 

Business,  and  government,  39  ff.,  317 
ff.,  355  ff.;  and  human  progress, 
56;  and  the  press,  187. 

Business  Cycle,  Conference  on,  77. 

Business  Organization  of  the  Gov- 
ernment, the,  39  ff.,  355  ff. 

Canada,  voting  in,  335. 
Cantigny,  attack  on,  136,  137. 
Carr,  General,  16. 
Chamber  of  Commerce,  New  York, 

317,  320. 
Character,  75,  85,  247,  356,  393. 
Charity,  109;  and  the  budget  plan, 

170,  171. 
Chatham,  Lord,  276,  277. 
Cheap  men,  84. 
Child  life.  Constitutional  protection 

to,  62,  81. 
Christianity  and  the  Negro,  31. 
"Church's  Quarrel  Espoused,  The," 

Cities,  and  government,  317. 
Citizens,  foreign-born,   159  ff. 
Citizenship,   21,   23,   27,   35,   58,   59, 

107,  175  ff.,  238,  336,  380  ff. 
Civil    War,    the,    15,    19  ff.,   26,    139, 

222-226,   233,   419,   421  ff.,  430. 

Civilization,  and  sports,  9;  restric- 
tions of  modern,  22,  23;  American, 

Clay,  Henry,  307. 

Clergy,   early   colonial,  448-450. 

Colonies,  the  thirteen  original,  20, 
115  ff.,  210  ff.,  257,  258,  271-276, 
307,  403  ff.,  443  ff. 

Columbus,  251. 

Commerce,  and  government,  317  ff. 

Commerce,  Department  of,  324,  326, 

Communism,   109. 

"Community  Chest."  the,  170,  171. 

Confederate  Memorial,  15  ff. 

Congregational  Church,  the,  448. 

Congress,  the  United  States,  94,  95, 
107,  122,  204;  Continental,  115  ff., 
272-275,  444,  445. 

Congress,  the,  421. 

Conservation,  200-203,  324,  325. 

Constitution,  the  American,  19,  21, 
40,  52,  53,  55,  62,  71,  72,  76,  90, 
92  ff.,  107-109,  115,  116,  120-122, 
139,  142,  151,  179,  202,  203,  224, 
225,  233,  244,  436,  442,  416, 

Constitutional  Convention  of  1787, 
the,  280. 

Contentment,   154. 

Continental  Army,  Washington  in 
command  of,  270,  272,  274,  275, 

Continental  Congress,  the,  115  ff., 
272-275,  444,  445. 

Coordination  in  Federal  service,  39, 

Cornwallis,  Lord,  278,  378. 

Cotton  manufacturies,  79,  80. 

Court  of  International  Justice,  Per- 
manent, 25,  331,  358. 

Court,  World,  432,  433. 

Courts,  power  of  the,  93-97;  pro- 
tection of,  122. 

Crime,  in  America,  229,  230. 

Criticism,    111,   453. 

Cromwell,  Oliver,  15. 

Cruz,   Dr.   Oswaldo,  371. 

Cumberland,  the,  421. 

Czechoslovakia,  328. 



Dahlgren,  Rear  Admiral,  419,  422. 

Dario,  Ruben,  370. 

Daughters  of  the  American  Revolu- 
tion, 377  ff. 

Davenport,  John,  212,  213. 

Davis,  Secretary,  78. 

Dawes,  General,  358;  reparations 
plan  of,  98,  144. 

Debt,  the  public,  42,  44,  46,  357; 
reduction  of,  360. 

Debts,  settlement  of  foreign,  329, 
330,  434. 

Declaration  of  Independence,  53,  55, 
63,  107,  115,  150,  403,  418,  441  ff. 

Declaration  of  Rights,  Virginia,  448. 

Deflation,  82,  291,  340. 

De  Kalb,  Baron,  214. 

De  La  Motta,  Captain,  214. 

De  Leon,  Captain  Jacob,  214. 

Democracy,  ideal  of,  449,  452-454. 

Despotism,  203,  289. 

Dewey,  Admiral,  244. 

Dinwiddie,   Governor,  268. 

Disarmament,  85,  144;  treaties,  98. 

Discipline,   105,  106,  110,  295. 

Drago,  Dr.  Luis,  372. 

Drain,  Commander,  290. 

Dunmore,  Lord,  404. 

Eaton,  Theophilus,  212. 

Economics,  teaching  of,  58. 

Economy  in  government  expendi- 
tures, 39  ff.,  200-203,  291,  323,  325; 
constructive,  355  ff.,  434. 

Education,  7,  81;  in  recreation,  10, 
11;  of  the  Negro,  33,  34;  popular, 
and  government,  54 ff.;  money  ex- 
pended for,  57;  numbers  con- 
cerned in,  57;  the  handmaid  of 
citizenship,  58,  59;  of  adults,  59, 
60 ;  State  support  of,  61 ;  and  the 
National  Government,  61;  new 
importance  attaching  to,  62;  uni- 
versal free,  161 ;  Jewish,  170 ; 
political,  176;  in  a  republic,  183, 
184;  in  South  America,  372; 
Swedish,  417,  418. 

Education  and  Relief,  Department 
of,  61,  62. 

Education  Association,  National,  51. 

Education,  Bureau  of,  61. 

Edwards,  Jonathan,  150,  450. 

Election  Day,  175  ff.,  382. 

Emergency  fund,  361. 

Employment,  principles  of,  private, 
81,  82. 

Enright,  Thomas  F.,  136. 

Equality,  108,  109,  258,  416,  436, 
449,  450. 

Ericsson,  John,  415,  419  ff. 

Estimates,  expense,  submitted  to 
Congress,  46. 

Europe,  wage  earners  of,  80,  83; 
America's  service  to,  99,  100,  144, 
163-165,  193,  197-199,  300,  327 ff.; 
conflicts  of  races  and  civilizations 
in,  160;  motives  for  migrations 
from,  257 ff.;  democratic  evolution 
of,  259;  saved  by  American  re- 
sources, 327 ff.;  competitive  arma- 
ments of,  433. 

Executive,  Chief,  and  legislature,  94- 
96,  122. 

Expenditures  and  receipts,  Federal, 
under  Budget  system,  41  ff. 

Faith,  68;  international,  242,  243. 
Family  life,  393. 
Farm  Bureau  Federation,  335. 
Farm,  population,  341 ;  prices,  342- 

344,    349,    350;    loan    and    credit 

banks,  347. 
Farmers,  335  ff. ;  tariff  protection  for, 

344 ff.;  loans  to,  347. 
Farming,    335  ff.;     and    the    tariff, 

344  ff. ;  the  cooperative  movement 

in,  347-349. 
Fiske,  John,  403. 
Fishing  and  hunting,  8. 
Football,  9. 

Force,  and  reason,  331. 
Foreign-born   citizens,  159  ff. 
Forest  reservations,  9. 
Fort  Necessity,  270. 
Fourth  of  July,  51,  441,  445. 
France,  99,  100,  210,  269,  328,  329. 
Franklin,    Benjamin,    54,    116,    120, 

306,  418. 
Franks,  David  and  Isaac,  214. 
Federal  Reserve  System,  82. 



Federal     and     State     sovereignty, 

223  ff. 
Federalist,  the,  227. 
Frederick  the  Great,  278. 
Free  trade,  84. 
Freedom,  individual,  19  ff.,  39-41,  53, 

54,   92  ff.,   97,    121,   202,   230,   362, 

436,  447  ff. 
French  and  Indian   War,  the,  115, 

210,  258,  269,  276,  308. 

Gage,  General,  276. 

Games,  exhibition,  9. 

Gardening,  8. 

Gardner,   Charles  F.,  letter  to,  71. 

George  III,  117,  118,  281. 

Germany,  99,  100,  144,  327,  385. 

Gladiators,   Roman,   10. 

Glass,   Senator,   402. 

Goldsmith,    Oliver,    quoted,    188. 

Government,  and  individual  free- 
dom, 19 ff.;  support  and  mainte- 
nance of,  22,  23 ;  economy  in,  39  ff., 
291,  355,  434;  the  Budget  system 
and,  46;  and  education,  54 ff.;  by 
the  people,  58,  122,  123,  175  ff., 
293;  and  national  development, 
56;  and  labor,  76 ff.;  taxes  and 
cost  of,  84;  executive  and  legisla- 
tive branches  of,  94-96,  122;  ideal 
of  American,  106  ff . ;  and  rights  of 
the  people,  121 ;  ownership,  123, 
124,  142;  and  religion,  149  ff., 
153 ff.;  by  political  parties,  199, 
200;  dual  sovereignty  theory  of, 
223 ff.;  local  self-,  231;  and  busi- 
ness, 317  ff.,  355  ff.;  control  of 
farm  prices  by,  343,  349;  by  con- 
sent of  the  governed,  447  ff., 
451  ff. 

Grant,  Ulysses  S.,  16. 

Gratz,  Bernard  and  Michael,  214. 

Great  Britain,  20,  99,  269,  328,  447; 
wage  earners  of,  80;  and  the 
Colonies,  118 ff.,  271,  276,  403 ff.; 
the  non-intercourse  agreement 
with,  118,  119;  crime  in,  229,  230; 
voting  in,  385. 

Greater  University  of  St.  Mark,  368. 

Greatness,  416. 

Greece,  329;  athletic  games  of,  9. 
Grenville,  Lord,  282. 
Gresham,  Corporal  James  B.,  136. 
Gustaf  Adolf,  Prince,  424. 
Gustavus,  Adolphus,  417. 
Gustavus  III,  418. 

Hague  tribunal,  The,  24. 

Hamilton,   Alexander,  54,  306. 

Hanks,  Nancy,  154. 

Hannibal,  308. 

Hanson,  John,  418. 

Harding,  Warren  G.,  25,  78. 

Harris,  Manager,  131. 

Harrison,  Carter  Henry,  404. 

Harvard,  University,  367,  407. 

Hay,  Merle  D.,  136. 

Henry,  Patrick,  402-405,  409. 

Hercules,  67. 

Heredia,  Jose  Maria,  370. 

Hidalgo,  306. 

Hill,  James  J.,  340. 

Hines,  General,  290. 

History,  251. 

Hoar,  Senator,  407. 

Holy  Name  Society,  103  ff. 

Home,  the  farm,  337;  influence  ol 

the,  393. 
Hooker,  Rev.  Thomas,  447-449. 
Houghton,  Ambassador,  242. 
House  of  Representatives,  the,  40, 

Howard  University,  31  ff. 
Human   nature,   constancy   of,   194, 

300,  389. 
Hunting  and  fishing,  8. 
Hyphen,  the,  100. 

Iceland,  252. 

Idealism,  American,  111,  186,  187, 
189,  190,  201/ 

Ignorance,  menace  of,  54,  60,  62. 

Illiterates,  foreign-born  and  native, 

Immigration,  159 ff.;  restrictive,  62, 
83,  84,  111,  162,  203;  from  Scan- 
dinavia, 248,  252  ff . ;  motives  an- 
imating 255  ff . ;  pre-Revolutionary, 
255,  257;  from  Norway,  259 ff.; 
Swedish,  417. 



Imperialism,  94. 

Imports,    protection    of   farmer   in, 

Income  tax,  the,  294. 
Independence,   American,   19  ff.,  97, 

98,  143,  305  ff.,  408,  444. 
Independence  Day,  51. 
Independence  Hall,  442. 
Indian  wars,  159. 
Individual,  rights  of  the,  19  ff.,  39- 

41,  53,  54,  92  ff.,  97,  108,  109,  121, 

202,  362,  436,  447  ff. 
Industry,  American  ideal  in,  81-83. 
Intermittent  Employment  in  Con- 
struction   Industries,    Conference 

on,  77. 
International  arbitration,  24-26,  196, 

International  justice,  331,  358,  432. 
Intolerence,  295,  296,  436. 
Iron  and  steel  industries,  78,  79. 
Isaacs,  Jorge,  370. 
Italy,  328,  385. 

Jackson,  154. 

Jacobs,  Benjamin  and  Joseph,  214. 

Jamestown,  401. 

Japan,  326. 

Jefferson,  Thomas,  54,  154,  211,  214, 
306,  402,  403,  448. 

Jewish  Community  Center,  209,  215, 

Jewish  Philanthropic  Societies,  Fed- 
eration of,  169  ff . 

Jews,  in  the  colonies,  213-215 ;  in  the 
Revolution,  214;  as  American  citi- 
zens, 215-218. 

Johnson,  Dr.  Amandus,  419. 

Johnson,  Walter,  130. 

Journalism,  184  ff. 

Journalists,  Pan-American  Confer- 
ence of,  365  ff. 

Justice,  international,  331,  358,  408, 

"King's  Peace,  the,"  239. 

Labor,  7;  American  policy  in,  76 ff.; 
shortening  of  hours  of,  78,  79; 
organized,  81  ff.;  ideals  of,  85. 

Labor  Day,  75. 

Labor,  Department  of,  78. 

Lacerda,  371. 

Lafayette,  89-91,  97-100,  136. 

Land  ownership,  338. 

Law,  obedience,  67,  203,  397,  451; 
authority  of,  110;  enforcement, 
226,  229-232. 

Leaders,  great  American,  54,  55. 

League  of  Nations,  the,  24,  433. 

Lecky,  quoted,  212. 

Lee,  Richard  Henry,  402,  404,  406. 

Lee,  Robert  E.,  15,  16. 

Legislation,  and  national  develop- 
ment, 56. 

Legislature  and  the  Chief  Executive, 

Lenroot,  Senator  Irvine  L.,  419. 

Levy,  Benjamin  and  Samson,  214. 

Levy,  Hayman,  Jr.,  214. 

Liberalism,  258,  295. 

Liberia,  329. 

Liberty  Bell,  the,  442. 

Liberty,  individual,  106-109;  under 
the  Constitution,  93-97,  109,  121, 
122,  142;  the  only  path  toward, 
108;   American  ideal  of,  110. 

Lief,  New  World  discovered  by,  251. 

Lincoln,  Abraham,  15,  19,  27,  62, 
112,  139,  154,  233,  247,  338,  371, 
402,  419,  420,  424,  430,  437. 

Lind,  Jenny,  419. 

Living,  cost  of,  79  ff. 

Loans,  foreign,  326  ff.,  357,  360,  435; 
farm,  347. 

Lord,  General,  47,  358,  362. 

Louisiana  Purchase,  the,  211. 

Louise,  Princess,  424. 

Luce,  Admiral,  421. 

Lyon,  Samuel,  214. 

Mackenna,  Benjamin  Vicuna,  370. 

Madison,  James,  54,  214,  402,  405. 

Majorities,  95,  177. 

Mann,  Horace,  371. 

Marshall,  Chief  Justice,  54,  55,  275, 

402,  404,  408;   quoted,  223. 
Mason,  George,  54,  402,  405,  448. 
Materialism,  454. 
Mathematics,  52. 



Mayflower,  the,  252,  253. 

Mayhew,  Jonathan,  404,  408. 

McGlachlin,  Edward   F.,   138. 

McKinley,  President,  84. 

Memorial  Day,  15,  19,  221,  233,  429. 

Merrimac,  the,  421,  422. 

Methodist  Society,  the,  152. 

Migrations,  motives  for  great,  256, 

Militarism,  24,  293. 

Military  Establishment,  U.  S.,  ex- 
penditure for,  291-293. 

Military  force,  and  security,  195, 
237  ff.,  243,  291. 

Military  power  and  civil  authority, 
293.  ' 

Miller,  John  F.,  130. 

Minnesota,  the,  421. 

Minority  rule,  410. 

Miranda,  306. 

Mississippi  Valley,  the,  211. 

Mobilization,  294. 

Monitor,  the,  421-423. 

Monoply,  319,  321. 

Monroe  Doctrine,  97,  194. 

Morazan,  306. 

Mordecai,  Moses,  214. 

Morris,  Robert,  214. 

Morten  (or  Mortenson),  John,  418. 

Moses,  Isaac,  213. 

Mount  Vernon,  279. 

Murders  in  America,  229. 

Napoleon,  90,  211,  269,  308. 

National  Education  Association,  51. 

National  Guard,  the,  291. 

Nature,  reverence  for,  67. 

Naval  Academy,  United  States,  237. 

Navigators,  first  deep-sea,  251. 

Navy,  maintenance  of  an  adequate, 
24,  84;  limitation  of,  196;  an  in- 
strument of  peace,  241  ff. ;  United 
States,  291. 

Negro,  in  America,  31  ff .,  progress 
of,  33;  education  of,  34;  war 
service  of,  34,  35,  71 ;  as  nominee 
for   Congress,   71,   72. 

Nelson,  Thomas,  405. 

New  York  City,  317,  318. 

News,  art  of  presenting,  185,  186. 

Newspaper  Editors,  American  So- 
ciety of,  183. 

Newspapers,  representative  of  Am- 
erican idealism,  186,  189,  190; 
business  and  editorial  policies  of, 
186,  187;  South  American,  366, 
373,  374. 

Nicaragua,  329. 

Nilsson,  Christina,  419. 

Noah,    Manuel   Mordecai,  214. 

Nones,  Major  Benjamin,  214. 

Non-importation  resolution  of  1765, 
213,  403. 

Norfolk,  404. 

Norsemen,  the,  251  ff . 

North,  Lord,  276. 

Norway,  emigration  from,  248,  252 
ff,  259  ff. 

Norwegian  Centennial  Celebration, 
247  ff. 

Obedience,  101.  106,  108,  203,  238. 

Office  holders,  77. 

O'Higgins,  306. 

Oligarchy,  318. 

Olmedo,  Jose  Joaquin,  370. 

Olson,  Captain  Lars,  254. 

Opportunity,  equality  of,  81,  319; 

Organized  society,  21,  22. 

Otis,  James,  404. 

Outdoor  Recreation,  National  Con- 
ference on,  7ff. 

Outlaws,  397. 

Ownership,  public,  123,  124,  142,  200. 

Paintings  and  photographs,  185. 

Palma,  Ricardo,  370. 

Pan-American  Conference,  first,  311; 
fifth,  365. 

Pan-American  Congress  of  Journal- 
ists, 365  ff. 

Pan-American   Union,   the,   367. 

Paris,  Grand  Parade  of  July  4th  in, 

Parker,   Frank,    138. 

Parks  and   playgrounds,  8,  9. 

Party  government,  199,  200. 

Past  and   present,   251. 

Patriotism,  27,  58,  294,  297,  298. 

Patriots'  Day,  377. 



Payroll,  the  Government,  45,  360. 

Peace,  American  ideal  of,  24,  59, 
195-198,  238  ff.,  430  ff.;  industrial, 
82;  and  progress,  84,  143,  144, 
294;  South  American,  310-312; 
economic  foundation  of,  432  ff . 

Pendleton,  Edmund,  404. 

Pensions,  war,   139-141. 

Pershing,  General,  136,  137;  quoted, 

Peza,  Juan  de  Dios,  370. 

Philip,  King,  159. 

Philip  of  Spain,  447. 

Photographs  and  paintings,  185. 

Pitcher,  Molly,  378. 

Pitt,  118. 

Playgrounds,  8,  9. 

Poland,  328. 

Political,  relationship,  52;  parties, 
199,  200. 

Polo,  9. 

Press,  freedom  of  the,  183  ff.,  189, 
365 ff.;  in  control  of  great  wealth, 

Prices,  and  wages,  79 ff.;  decline  in, 
326;    farm,   342-344,   349,   350. 

Princeton,  the,  420. 

Printing,  Government,  45;  in  South 
America,  368. 

Privilege,  business,  319,  321. 

Progress,  and  variety,  296;  depend- 
ent upon  peace,  143,  144. 

Prohibition,  226. 

Propaganda,  184,  185. 

Property,  rights  of,  108,  109,  322; 
public  ownership  of,  123,  124,  200; 
owners  of,  202. 

Prosperity,  American,  321,  323-326, 
330,  351,  360,  437. 

Protestant    Reformation,   417. 

Public  opinion,  175,  411. 

Public  improvements,  division  of  ex- 
pense for,  229. 

Public  interest,  396,  397. 

Public  service,  26,  27,  39,  41,  43. 

Pueyrredon,  Don  Juan  Martin,  307. 

Pufendorf,  Samuel,  448. 

Randolph,  402. 

Receipts  and  expenditures,  Federal, 
41  ff. 

Recreation,  outdoor,  7  ff. 

Red  Cross,  the,  390. 

Reformation,   Protestant,   417. 

Reforms,  social,  153. 

Religion,  68,  107;  tolerance  in,  109, 
296,  297,  436;  of  immigrants,  163, 
164;  and  government,  149  ff., 
153 ff.;  and  social  reform,  153;  in 
the  colonies,  211-213;  influence  of, 
393;  and  the  Declaration  of  In- 
dependence, 449-454. 

Renunciation,  23,  26. 

Reparations,  Dawes  plan  for  settle- 
ment of,  98,   144. 

Republic,  the  American,  121 ;  and 
religion,  149  ff . ;  education  in  a, 
183,   184. 

Reserve  Corps,  United  States,  291. 

Reserve  System,  Federal,  82. 

Restaurationen,  voyage  of  the,  252- 

Reverence,  104,  110,  111,  394,  454. 

Revolution,  American,  92,  120,  121, 
139,  150,  152,  209-211,  214,  248, 
254,  258,  265-271,  275  ff.,  368,  377, 
378,  403  ff.,  418,  442,  443. 

Revolution,  French,  89,  90,  269. 

Right,  the  desire  to  do,  242. 

Rights,  individual,  19  ff.,  39-41,  53, 
54,  92  ff.,  97,  108,  109,  121,  202, 
362,  436,  447  ff. 

Roanoke,  the,  421. 

Rodo,  Jose  Enrique,  370. 

Rodrigues,  371. 

Rome,  gladiatorial  shows  of,  10. 

Roosevelt,  Colonel  Theodore,  138. 

Roosevelt,  President  Theodore,  369; 
quoted,  72. 

Root,  Elihu,  quoted,  369. 

Ross,  Betsy,  418. 

Royal  and  Pontifical  University  of 
St.  Paul,  368. 

Rumania,  329. 

Russia,  329. 

Railway  terminals,  326. 
Raleigh  Tavern,  403. 

St.  Clair,  General,  214. 
San  Martin,  Jose  de,  305  ff. 



Sarmiento,  Domingo  Faustino,  370, 

Scandinavia,  emigration  from,  248, 
252  ff. 

Schley,  Admiral,  424. 

School,  the  country,  60. 

Schoolhouse,  the,  59. 

Schools  and  colleges,  number  of  stu- 
dents in,  57. 

Scouts,  Boy,  67  ff.,  389  ff. 

Secretary  of  Labor,  the,  77. 

Sectionalism,  22. 

Security,  and  military  force,  238  ff., 

Selective  service  act,  a,  293. 

Self-government,    76,    92,     149-151, 
175  ff,  230,  231,  289. 

Serfs,  338,  339. 

Servitude,  55. 

Sesqui-Centennial    celebration,   the, 
209,  441. 

Seven    Years'   War,    the,    115,    210, 
258,  269,  276,  308. 

Shipbuilding,  420  ff. 

Shipping  Board,  United  States,  77. 

Ships,  armored,  420  ff. 

Shoe  industry,  79. 

Sibert,  William  L,  138. 

Slavery,  negro,  19,  32,  224,  225,  259, 

Slemp,  Secretary,  402. 

Smith,  John,  402. 

Smith,  Meriwether,  405. 

Socialism,  109. 

Social  problems,  295  ff. 

Social  reforms  and  religion,  153. 

Sociedad  de  Beneficencia,  372. 

Society,  organized,  21,  22. 

Soisson,  the  victory  at,  137. 

Solomon,  Haym,  214. 

South  America,  306  ff,  326;  peace- 
ful policy  of,  310-312;  statesman- 
ship in,  311 ;  conference  of  journal- 
ists from,  365 ff.;  development  of, 
369  ff. ;  literature  of,  370,  371 ;  art 
and  music  in,  371 ;  trade  with, 
372,  373;  newspapers  of,  373,  374. 

Sovereignty,  Federal  and  State, 
223  ff. ;  popular,  447  ff. 

Spain,  211. 

Spanish  War,  veterans  of,  139. 

Specialists,  185. 

Sports,  democracy  of,  10;  value  of 
true,  clean,  131. 

Stamp  Act,  the,  403,  405. 

States  rights,  19 ff,  95,  223 ff.;  and 
national  unit^v,  409  ff. 

Statesmanship,  274;  South  Ameri- 
can, 311. 

Steel  industries,  78,  79. 

Steuben,  Baron,  214. 

Stolbrand,  General,  419. 

Storrow,  James  J,  390. 

Strike,  right  to,  82. 

Sucre,  306. 

Students,  number  of,  57. 

Summerall,  Charles  P.,  138. 

Supreme  Court,  United  States,  93- 

Swanson,  Senator,  402. 

Sweden,  416  ff,  emigrants  from,  417; 
treaty  of  commerce  and  amity 
with,  418. 

Taft,  President,  390. 

Tariff,  protective,  83,  84,  203,  324; 
and  the  farmer,  344  ff . 

Taxation,  and  individual  rights,  39- 
41;  reduction  in,  43,  44,  47,  200- 
203,  291,  325,  357,  358,  360,  434, 
437 ;  and  the  expense  of  govern- 
ment, 84;  State  and  Federal,  227, 
228;  for  national  defense,  294. 

Teachers,  school,  57,  59. 

Toil,  honest,  75  ff. 

Tolerance,  161,  204,  295,  298-301, 

Tongue,  an  evil,  104. 

Transportation,  203,  326;  Confer- 
ence on,  77.  t 

Travel  expense,  Federal,  45. 

Treasuries,  State  and  National,  229. 

Tree,  painting  and  photograph  of  a, 

Trenton-Princeton  campaign,  the, 
278,  279,  308. 

Truth  and  freedom,  183. 

Tyler,  President,  420. 

Unemployment,  Conference  on,  77. 
Union,  integrity  of  the,  19  ff,  409  ff. 



Veterans,  aid  and  relief  of  war,  139- 

141,  290. 
Veterans  Act  of  1924,  140. 
Veterans'  Bureau,  140,  290. 
Virginia,  401  ff. ;  Resolutions,  405  ff.; 

Declaration  of  Rights,  448,  449. 
Virginia,  the,  421. 
Voting,    the    duty    of,    58,    176 ff.; 

381  ff. 

Wage  earners,  American,  78  ff.,  203, 
326;  British  and  other  European, 

Wages,  increase  in,  78-81,  325,  326; 
and  living  costs,  79 ff.;  equality 
in,  109. 

War  Finance  Corporation,  357. 

War,  World.    See  World  War. 

Warfare,  modern,  289. 

Warships,  420  ff. 

Washington,  George,  27,  54,  62,  77, 
89-91,  112,  116,  139,  153,  233,  306, 
308,  332,  337,  378,  402,  403,  408, 
409,  424,  437,  446;  quoted,  178; 
greatness  of,  265  ff.;  in  command 
of  Continental  Army,  270-277; 
biographers  of,  280;  standards  of, 

Washington  Baseball  Team,  129  ff. 

Washington,   the  capital,  318. 

Waste,  elimination  of,  324-326. 

Wealth,  national,  58;  accumulation 
of,  188. 

Wesley,  151. 

Wheat  prices,  346. 

Whitefield,  George,  150,  450. 

Wisdom  and  knowledge,  237. 

Wise,  Rev.  John,  448;  quoted,  449, 

William  and  Mary  College,  401, 

Williamsburg  convention,  404  ff. 

Wilson,  Woodrow,  3. 

Wolfe,  General,  270. 

Women,  in  industries,  81 ;  the  vote 
of,  178,  382  ff. 

Worden,  Lieutenant,  422. 

Work,  75  ff . ;  shortening  of  hours  of, 
78,  79. 

World  Court,  the  432,  433. 

World  War,  the  First  Division, 
A.  E.  F.,  in,  136  ff.;  aid  to  vet- 
erans of,  139-141,  290;  causes 
which  drew  America  into,  194, 
288;  America  in,  287 ff.;  peace 
more  secure  since,  290;  patriotic 
unity  in,  297,  298;  tolerance  after, 
299-301;  expense  of,  323;  Europe 
saved  by  American  resources, 
327 ff.;  effect  of,  on  agriculture 
and  industry,  340;  and  economic 
condition  of  Europe,  433. 

World  War  Adjusted  Compensation 
Act,  44. 

Wrongdoing,  resistance  to,  103. 

Yorktown  campaign,  the,  279,  368, 

Young,  Arthur,  281,  282. 
Yugoslavia,  329. 


FEB  24  'TV 

c.  3 

Foundations  of  the  Republic,   mam 
815. 5U58f  1968  C.3 

3  lEbE  D337T  303^4